central despotism would be—but to order the combined action of the whole Nation and to protect the rights of all. We believe that the world-old circles of FAMILY, CITY, and COUNTRY, are natural arrangements, and worth preserving. That, as the Individual is complete in his own nature, so the Family is also a perfect sphere, needing no ordering from authority, the City also sufficient to itself for all its own requirements, and the Country the same-a special workroom, built by God for a special purpose, whose walls shall not be thrown down. We believe that the business of GOVERNMENT is to do that which neither the Individual nor the City can efficiently do: to maintain throughout the Nation the harmony of equal rights, which includes provision that the best means of growth at the nation's command shall be furnished to all the inividuals of the nation. It is therefore the province of Government to guard the LAND--which is common property-from the encroachment of individuals,—to care that none hold it without paying a fair rent for it to the State, and that it shall never be so monopolized, at whatever rent, that any shall be debarred from it; to protect the PRIVATE PROPERTY—the honest earnings and acquirements—of individuals; to maintain the RIGHT TO LABOUR by lending the CREDIT of the state to all who need it, so insuring to every one employment at a fair remuneration; and to provide the highest possible EDUCATION for every one of the nation's children. We believe that the only Government which can safely be trusted with these powers is the Elect of the Nation, empowered by THE MAJORITY to act for them. We believe that the right to rule resides only in a Majority: their rule being only limited by the RIGHT OF THE INDIVIDUAL. The most overwelming Majority may not override the right of an independent nature. Society and Individuality are mutually sacred and inviolable. Nevertheless we believe in INDIVIDUAL DUTY: that every one (saving his right of conscience) ought to enroll himself dutifully in the ranks of his fellow-men, to act obediently within the appointed and ascending spheres of organization, to devote the utmost of his powers to the service of his Family, his Country, the World, and Truth. And we believe that, based upon a written constitution recognizing these rights and dnties, the Nation may be so organized that the long sought problem of the HARMONIZATION OF INDIVIDUAL WELFARE WITH NATIONAL PROGRESS may be speedily solved, and the present Anarchy give place to Order, under which we shall thenceforth be enabled to fulfill God's law-the Destiny of Life-to grow healthily, to love, to aspire, and to progress. We believe, in a word, in the possibility of a social state, based upon already ascertained rights and duties, in which might be forthwith commenced the realization of the 'dream' of all prophetic minds, the beginning of the BETTER TIME, in which the wretchedness of extreme want might immediately cease, and i strife and wrong gradually diminish, checked by the strong hand of enthroned justice, and fading from the ever-increasing light of education and of hope. Such is the aim of our exertions for our own Country. And for the Nations we believe with a no less fervent hope: looking for the establishment of the universal FEDERATION OF REPUBLICS, for the proclamation of God's Law as the religion and rule of the enfranchized and organized World. May our own Nation be of the first to swear fealty to the common pact, among the worthiest of endeavourers to reach the goal,-that goal which will be but the starting-place of the Genius of Humanity, toward the indefinite perfection of the future. Is all this utopian? Not so. We do not undermine the Present nor fling away the Past. We would build upon the Present, laying sure foundations. We ignore neither tradition nor history, We would preserve, with more than 'conservative' zeal, all that has already been gained for Humanity. We do not think of overthrowing all, expecting, after a general scramble, some fine day to begin the world anew. Neither are we Utopians of the 'finality' school. We are practical men, who would work with means lying around us, toward an end logically deduced from ascertained premises, clear to the universal conscience. We take our stand upon the equal brotherhood of Freedom, that ground which Christian Europe from one end of it to the other has already recognized, at least in words: and thereupon we would build our future. What sane man will contest our principles ?' What slave, in his heart acknowledging their truth, will remain silent? I at least-if none other will-must repeat in the ears of my countrymen the appeal of the Apostles of Democracy : 'To all who share our faith: : 'To all those who think that every divorce, even for a time, between thought and action, is fatal: 'To all those who feel stirring within their hearts a holy indignation against the display of brute force which is made in Europe, in the service of Tyranny and Falsehood :' WORKING-MEN! I appeal to you. To you first, because among you, victimized but not yet vitiated by the selfishness of Trade, I have found that clearness and integrity of soul, the simplicity of the loving nature, which enables you almost intuitively to comprehend great principles, and courageously to devote your lives to their realization: STUDENTS, ARTISTS AND MEN OF LETTERS! I appeal to you. To you who pride yourselves upon a generous education, you by your daily studies introduced to a companionship with the illustrious of the great Republic of Genius, who have learned even from the lips of the wisest of all time those heavenward aspirings which should sanctify your lives as priests of Truth, raising you above the commonness of mean and cowardly thoughts: YOUNG MEN! Who yet irust the inspiration of hope, whose souls are pure, whose days are not yet bowed and crippled by the ignoble yoke of a huckstering egotism, where hearts are not yet eaten out by commerce, who yet are able to believe and love and dare,—to you also I appeal: Which of you, who have read these Letters, will join me in an endeavour to spread their principles yet further, to commence the propagandism of faith, to throw wide the seed for our harvest? I do not ask you to agree with every detail, with every bearing of the argument, nor, still less, that you should adopt my phraseology. Look beyond word-faults and, it may be, cloudy reasonings, to the principles themselves; and say if you can subscribe to them. me to begin the foundation of the English Republic. Then join W. J. LINTON. OUR TRICOLOUR. LET our Tricolour be wove, our true English Flag unfurl'd !— Choose for hope the sky serene, freedom Albion's cliffs so white, BLUE above-the world to come, that far heaven our strength shall scale: BLUE―the over-arching dome, Faith that stretcheth beyond sight: Equal as the equal march of our duties and our dues, Equal-one above the other, equal-though in different place: Such the hierarchal plan of our life republican. Choose our colours!-Ground of green-our own English fields, and whiteFree and all-embracing light, earth and God's blue heaven betweenHeaven above, the Future Man, our new world republican. BLUE-the far idea of might, harmonized Humanity: Let our Tricolour be wove!-March for equal laws and life: Be our English Flag unfurl'd!-Bear it, thou most liberal Air! с Heirs of Cromwell and of Him who saw God through eyelids dim! Equal place whereon to build,-frcëst growth for every need,― In one onward life of Man, organized, republican. Lo! our Tricolour is wove, England's Banner is unfurl'd: JOSEPH MAZZINI: THE TRIUMVIR OF THE ROMAN REPUBLIC. SPARTACUS. In exile because I loved justice and hated iniquity.' Words of Gregory VII. quoted by Mazzini in his Letter to Pius IX, OSEPH MAZZINI was born in 1805, at Genoa,-where his father was a physician of considerable repute. At an early age he commenced the study of the law; but his ardent patriotism soon led him to forsake everything for politics, to devote himself to the emancipation and regeneration of Italy. Even in his youthful days at the university his deep musing during his walks had drawn upon him the suspicious attention of the Sardinian Government, and he was already 'marked' before his career had begun. The following extract from his own account of his friend and fellow student, Ruffini (who died in a Piedmontese prison in 1833) will give the best idea of those early times. a 'Jacobo Ruffini was my friend-my first and best. From our first years at the university, to the year 1830, when a prison, and then exile, separated me from him, we lived as brothers; our two families forming but one; our two souls freely interpenetrating each other. He was studying medicine, I law, but botanical rambles at first, then the common ground of literature, and, above all, the sympathetic instincts of the heart, drew us together little by little, until an intimacy succeeded, whose like I have never found, and, never shall find again. From the Italian Martyrs, 2, Jacobo Ruffini,' in No. 21 of the People's Journal, April, 1846. 'In 1827 and '28 his attention was forcibly attracted by the literary question. It was the time of the great quarrel between those who were called the romantic and the classic; but who should rather have been called the supporters of liberty and authority. The one party maintained that, the human mind being progressive, every epoch ought to find its different literary manifestation; and that we should seek the precepts and inspirations of Art in the entrails of the living and actual nation. The others pretended that we had in Art long ago reached the Pillars of Hercules; that the Greeks and Romans had furnished models which we should be content to copy, and that all innovation, whether in form or spirit, was impotent and dangerous. The unity of the human mind-which renders us unable to conquer a principle without seeking to apply it to our every mode of action,this and the situation of Italy naturally drew those who studied the question on to political ground; and Governments, by their fears, precipitated them upon it. The young men who made their first campaign in favour of romanticism became suspected; journals purely literary were suppressed, solely because they maintained independence in Art. To this brutal negation imposed by force, we replied by removing the question to the national ground, and by preparing to try, hand to hand, the principle of blind and immovable authority. Jacobo Ruffini was one of the first to climb to the source. In 1829, a year before the French insurrection, he had given his name to the men who followed, between exile and the scaffold, the holy route which leads to the national organization of Italy. 'In 1830, when the movement in France awakened the alarms of the Italian Governments, that of Piedmont was the first which proceeded to arrests. I was then thrown into the fortress of Savona ......' (in the Gulf of Genoa). The cause of Mazzini's imprisonment was his being suspected of Carbonarism. He had also given offence by his contributions to the Antologia' (Anthology), a literary, but liberal, journal, published at Florence. He was in prison when the news of the Polish revolution reached Italy. No friends were allowed to see him; but his Mother was permitted to send him his meals. Anxious to communicate the good tidings to him, she hid in a loaf of bread a slip of paper on which were these two Latin words-' Polonia insurrexit' (Poland has arisen). When, some months afterwards, the noble Mother visited her Son in his prison, his first question was- -Well! is all over in Poland ?' On his release he took refuge in France; and in 1831, at Marseilles, founded the national association of La Giovine Italia' (Young Italy), starting at the same time as its organ, under the same title, a monthly journal devoted to the political, moral, and literary conditions of Italy,-in a word, to Italian regeneration. It was from here that, towards the end of 1831, he addressed to Charles b The first members of Young Italy were men who had been mostly Carbonari, and whose hopes of good from the accession of Charles Albert were dispelled by his conduct. Young Italy' was an educational movement; 'not merely revolutionary but regenerative.' Their flag, displayed in Savoy, in 1834, bears, on Italian colours (white, red, and green), on one side Liberty-Equality-Humanity; on the other Unity-Independence-GOD AND HUMANITY: this was its principle in all its foreign relations, as GoD and the PEOPLE was in all its labours for its country. From this double principle it deduced all its religious, social, political and individual creeds. It was secret so far only as was necessary for its interior operations: its existence and purpose were public. It had a central committee abroad to keep up its standard, to form connections with other countries and to direct the enterprize; and committees in Italy to direct the various movements. It had |