tween the two is, that while the poet has his rhythm set before him when he begins to write, the prose writer's rhythm grows under his hand. He knows only in a vague way what shape it is to take. He knows certainly, only that it must not be unrhythmical.

What is true of phonetic rhythm is equally true of the larger thought rhythm. Thought, by its nature, tends to become rhythmical. It comes in pulses and in groups of pulses. Every sentence contains at least two beats the subject and the predicate. Long sentences contain more beats arranged in some comprehensible manner. Rhythm binds separate particles into groups, into wholes. It facilitates comprehension and economizes attention. It pleases because it fulfills what it promises, and when satisfactions are temporarily withheld by a good rhythm, that is only so we may be the more strongly impressed with its ultimate faithfulness.

New York City.

ABRAM LIPSKY.

THE CHRISTIAN SOUTH AND NEGRO

EDUCATION*

I have unusual hesitancy in speaking to you upon the subject assigned; indeed, the timidity well nigh reached the stage of fright, when two days ago I learned, for the first time, that my feeble voice is to be raised, not only in the hearing of our own distinguished educators, but in that of our right honorable and right distinguished guest,' for whose address we are waiting with impatience. Unknown to him, he has been my teacher for many years past, and the man, though he live to be old, is still the boy in the presence of his revered teacher. And then I have felt embarrassed by the magnitude of the subject in its relations to well nigh all the social questions, not simply of the South, but of the entire Nation, and indeed, of the world. The particular form of the title, however, "The Christian South and Negro Education," while legitimately admitting a discussion of the entire "Race Issue," quite as readily allows a contraction of the wider question, and the fixing of our thought upon its most important and its most practical social feature. Thus we may properly eliminate one feature which I am personally most willing to allow others to discuss the political relation of the races - which is, for the present at least, settled to the satisfaction of all who really know the races and the history which has made their present relations in the South. The social relation of the races we may not eliminate, because it is necessary to the intelligent examination of our topic.

That two races so distinct as the whites and the blacks are could live together in (humanly speaking) perfect relations, closely allied in business and social affairs, loyal in their affections and lavish of sympathy, each implicitly trusting the other as far as trust was deserved, is still a marvel to me, and must be equally so to every student of history. Yet this was the re

* An address before the Conference for Education in the South, in Memphis, April 23, 1908.

1The Hon. James Bryce, the British Ambassador, author of "The Ameriçan Commonwealth."

lation of the better class of Southern slave owner and slave up to the era of Reconstruction. It was a relation which no one has ever been able to describe, and which could be illustrated only by the rare genius of a few writers, like Thomas Nelson Page, who are fully understood only by those who have had some share in the experiences which they have so delightfully related. It is not possible for us of the South to explain this relation to our brothers of the North, though we are still able to exhibit the fact in rare instances of inherited plantation relationship, if they will come to see us in our country homes. What was once the close and sympathetic relation of races suffered a remarkable change during the period from 1868 to 1880, which resulted in the sundering wide of the two races, while individual friendships and affections between members of the races survived. That such a revolution, such a cataclysm should have occurred without resulting in everlasting hatred between the races is explainable only by the fact that love is stronger than self-interest, and God's divine grace than human passion.

Under the old regime, the master was a shepherd of the plantation flock. He had his motives, of course, but his motives did not destroy the fact of his persistent and devoted care which developed the relationship between himself and his people into one of love and confidence. The old relations were not broken without fearful throes. No one who has been through that nightmare cares to revive it any more. It is now past history and need not be revived save as it throws light upon the present conditions. It is a crime to revive it, save in calm, dispassionate historical temper. The result of the cataclysm was a true social anarchy which settled into, not social hatred, but social separation, distinct and clear-cut.

During that short period between the declaration of emancipation and Reconstruction, the relations were still of the kindliest and the closest. There were not lacking both men and women in the South who taught the negroes (as before the war) Christian truth and morality from the pulpit, and (now also) in the school-house the rudiments of learning. But the period of anarchy and destruction put a stop to all this. When the smoke. and dust of the frightful period had floated away, and the un

certainties had gradually been reassured, the races emerged with the conviction that they could not dwell together upon the footing of equality, social or other equality, which had been the fond dream of the negro race, and that there must be clear and distinct separation. That, I maintain, was the only fact settled by the struggle of the period. Just what the relation would be, just how close the tie between the individuals would become; whether the separation would engender a kindly feeling and sympathy, or hate and estrangement - these questions and many more were not settled and are not yet settled, and perhaps cannot be until all the old masters and slaves have gone to their reward, and the younger generations of both races face one another in the glare of the modern light, untinted by the softer hues of the "moon before the war.”

Into this modern period (time is relative, and ancient, mediæval and modern might well be applied to these periods since in them well nigh as much change relatively has been wrought as in those long periods which history makers have invented) the Christian South is now advancing and may not wisely go without its education any more than without its Christianity.

"The Christian South." A word about it. The South above any other section represents Anglo-Saxon America, native-born America. Scarcely more than a trace of foreign born is to be found in the Southern States. Our people are born into American ideals and conditions and reflect Anglo-Saxon traditions of home and family. That they are Christian (after our human fashion and in the measure of present human ability) no one is better able to attest than a bishop who goes in and out among every class of his fellows. Should this great body of AngloAmericans ever cease to be Christian, or become less Christian than it is, the effect upon our entire nation would be disastrous beyond the power of thought to conceive. That it should become more and more Christian in thought and practice is not only devoutly to be wished, but is inexpressibly important to the necessarily progressive settlement of the gravest question, in its deep and wide moral effects, before the mind and heart of the American people. The Christian youth has its relation to the negro on the one side and to the balance of this great nation

on the other. If there is any section of our country which must desire the peace and prosperity and happiness of our land, certainly it should be this most American section of it. Is it too much to say that the "race issue" is more vitally intermingled with those essential problems whose solution affects the moral life and therefore the peace, prosperity and happiness of America than any other one issue in social life. And the solution, if it is ever to be worked out at all, is going to be found through the Christian thought and sentiment and the labor of Christian men of science.

I am one of those who believe that God is the God of nations, and that Jesus Christ our Lord is the light as well as the life of man; that no issue is settled without His guidance; that all issues may be settled with it. The real key to the answer of life's problems without is to be found in the solved problems within. The real solution of the vexed and vexing issues of social life is, and always has been, found in the growth of men's minds in the knowledge of God and of God's laws, and of His methods of dealing with life. Whatever the Christian South may do practically, however far short of the ideal she may find it necessary to fall from time to time in meeting practical difficulties, however clouded by political issues this ideal of Christian and democratic relationship of races may be, she cannot blind her eyes to that which the Christ has set, the ideal of a Christian life which expresses itself in work, in forbearance, in unfailing hope.

It is not by accident that the negro is in our midst, that Anglo-Saxon America of to-day has inherited the problem (greater than that of our fathers) of his relation to his white neighbor. It is not by accident that he has learned from the whites the ambition to rise and the inspiration to higher life intellectual and moral. These are the outcome, not of accident, but of Divine Providence. And they constitute one of those opportunities of national life, the issue of which is the Nation's judgment. The more I study the great problem the less able am I to see the end of its progressive solution. Only a few things seem to me to stand out clearly and distinctly above the dust clouds.