THE MONARCH:

A DRAMATIC FRAGMENT.

[In the small island of Ratoneau, opposite Marseilles, a guard was formerly maintained. It was in the year 1597, the whole garrison (consisting of four men) had gone to the mainland for provisions, leaving only their officer. On their return, he turned the guns against them, declaring himself the sovereign of the island. After a day or two, some persons came with a white flag, representing themselves as fugitives, and claiming his royal protection. He received them accordingly, when they seized the poor fellow, and conducted him to a mad-house.]

"You shall find a distracted man fancy himself a king; and, with a right inference, require suitable attendance, respect, and obedience.”.

menting within themselves,-which have their degree of importance, and are, in fact, objects possessing no ordinary share of interest. Of one of these, Manchester, the centre of the great northern manufacturing district, we propose to give

some account.

The antiquarian, who wishes to learn what Manchester was in days of yore, may consult Whittaker, who will tell him why the ancient Britons took a liking to it as a place of residence, before they were disturbed by the Romans,--the precise year, month, and nearly the hour on which the latter took possession of it,

LONDON is to the United Kingdom what the sun is to the solar system, or the heart is to the human body. The intelligence and opinions which are diffused through the country, flow towards, and concentrate in London, and are from thence again sent forth, with renewed vivifying power, to react on the country. In parts of the country, too, we have local centres and districts, which, in like manner, act and react on each other, forming little systems within the great one. Thus Dublin forms a centre of intelligence for Ireland, and Edinburgh for Scotland; and in each of these parts particular interests exist, or are supposed to exist,-peculiarits varied fate through Saxon, Danish, and modes of thinking become prevalent, and a more or less harmonious co-operation in the pursuit of some common object is the ordinary result. From various causes, the local peculiarities, opinions, and politics of these ancient capitals, are tolerably well known; but there are other places with which the public are very imperfectly acquainted, -having their peculiar politics and passions fer

It may be proper to notice that this article was written before the late daring and rash change in the Government.

Roman times, with all minute particulars worthy of the genius of a Knickerbocker himself; but at present we propose to speak of only the mo dern town, known as a kind of manufacturing metropolis. Manchester, for its present greatness, is indebted to those benefactors of their race, who, labouring in obscurity, contrived to make wheels, rollers, and levers, do the work of fingers; and steam, which may be made to exert its giant strength anywhere, and which requires to be fed only with that cheap material, coal, to

supersede water, which must be sought and managed where it can be found; and horses, which must be fed with that expensive article, corn. These discoveries found Manchester, half a century ago, a moderate-sized country town, containing some 50,000 inhabitants, makers of tapes, fustians, and calicoes. About half a dozen other places in the neighbourhood were engaged in similar pursuits, unknown to fame, with little wealth, and less consequence; and were indeed hardly thought of by the proud magnates of the land. But the mind was at work in these obscure quarters: the produce of the cotton plant, brought from other climates, was, by the hand of science, presented to iron teeth and brass fingers, and, being by them duly seized, combed, stretched, and twisted, became-thread; which, by the weaver, the dyer, and the printer, was rapidly converted into those various useful and beautiful fabrics, suitable for garments, so much sought after and prized in every country in the world. Effects of these improved modes of producing were soon seen in the extension of business, the increase of the population engaged in it, and the enlargement of the towns. The commencement of the French Revolution found Manchester in a state of high prosperity, for which the mass of the people, generally disposed to attribute everything to their rulers, whether good or bad, were willing to give the Government credit. They were at that time, consequently, very loyal-all stanch Church-and-King men, who took great delight in hunting through the streets, hooting and abusing any poor reformer of that day, who was so unfortunate as to be called a Jacobin. They sung "Hearts of Oak," "Rule Britannia," and "God save the King," and swore that one Englishman could with ease beat five Frenchmen. It was, of course, capital policy for the rulers of that period to turn so fine a disposition to good account,--and accordingly a mob was incited to attack the houses of the leading reformers. Others of them were prosecuted -i. e. persecuted-some were ruined, others driven from the town; and, through these honourable means, it was said that religion and social order were made to reign triumphant in the loyal town of Manchester. As the loans and taxes which were found necessary to the prosecution of the crusade against liberty in France, checked the progress of the cotton manufacture, the uproarious loyalty which had previously distinguished the Manchesterians, became moderated; and before the end of the war, the outward and visible signs of rampant loyalty were to be seen only on the boards fixed up in many of the public houses, with the King's arms painted on them, and under them, written in various ornamental letters, the words, "No Jacobin admitted here." It was shrewdly suspected | fell the Tories of Manchester from "their high that the Bonifaces who fixed up these boards were quite aware that such evidence of loyalty would, in the opinions of the licensing magistrates, go far towards excusing any irregularities that might be complained of in the management of their houses, at the annual renewal of

their licenses. The value of a license was at the time considered to be about £400 or £500. Tory social order and religion were, at this time, to use a more modern term, conserved in Manchester, by a snug little junto, who elected a boroughreeve and two constables, as the chief civil officers of the town, assisted by a body of magistrates, and a set of political parsons, each receiving from £700 to £1500 a-year. If these Conservatives did not tear up, and extirpate disaffection, root and branch, it was not from any want of zeal in the cause; but somehow it was found, notwithstanding all their care and labour, that the vociferous shouts which had formerly gladdened the hearts of the conserving few, were no longer heard; but, instead of them, certain ominous murmurings and grumblings about the necessity of peace, better wages, and cheaper provisions. The Conservatives, who dubbed themselves "the loyal" and "the respectable," had generally contrived to have their own way at all public meetings. If they could not answer the disaffected, they could silence them; and during the greater part of the war, loyal resolutions, petitions, and addresses, pledging life and fortune, regularly emanating from the loyal town of Manchester, were laid on the table in Parliament, or deposited at the foot of the Throne. Birth-day dinners, bell-ringings, and illuminations, gave their aid in fitting seasons,― the chief constables were ready to seize the disaffected whenever they could pounce upon them the magistrates punished, and the parsons preached against them; but, alas! so perverse is human nature sometimes found to be, notwithstanding all these exertions and precautions, offences against social order were found to increase. One of the earlier exhibitions of this increase was in the year 1812, when the respectables resolved to venture on a meeting to pass an address to the Prince Regent, thanking him for keeping in his father's Tory Ministers. All due precautions were taken,-friends were informed and required to attend,—the meeting was announced,-the address written, and put into English,-the speeches rehearsed,—and all was "busy preparation" for the great event. When, lo! some of the disaffected invited their brethren to attend the meeting and oppose the proceedings; and when the morning came-"big with the fate of Tories and their rule"-their numbers were so great as to make prudence predominate over loyalty in the breasts of the respectables; and, just at that time, they discovered that the stairs which lead to the intended place of meeting, though quite strong enough to sustain the delicate bodies of the loyal, would not bear the persons of the disaffected, and they therefore announced that no meeting would take place! So

estate," amidst the laughs and jeers of the country. Since that time exclusive loyalty has retired to obscure rooms, where, for the amusement of the world, it occasionally announces the result of some hole-and-corner meeting, which brings to the recollection the language of the

form. The blow that was struck on the memorable three days in Paris vibrated in Manchester; -a public meeting was held, resolutions were unanimously passed, and a deputation conveyed to the French metropolis the congratulations of the second town in England, on the glorious achievement of the people of Paris. What an alteration! Look at the Church-and-King mobs of 1793, and then at the meeting of 1830 to congratulate the Parisians!

In the struggle for Reform, Manchester took an active part. In elections at different places, neither exertion nor money was spared to procure the return to parliament of men of liberal principles. One of the members for the county of Lancaster voted for the amendment of General Gascoyne, which was followed by a dissolution, and a fresh election. The people of Manchester were vigilant and prompt; without a moment's delay a number of freeholders convened a meet

sleepers who awoke in another generation. Im. prudent assemblies of the working classes have, indeed, since that time, furnished to the Tories opportunities for acting, which opportunities were seized with avidity. In the year 1819, in particular, the very numerous meetings which took place to petition for a reform in Parliament, determined these gentlemen (being duly advised, it was said, from head-quarters) to act with vigour, and to put or knock down disaffection with a single blow" to lay the dust in blood," if need were. On the 16th of August the Manchester Yeomanry immortalized themselves ; whether it was not an immortality of disgrace, is at present quite unnecessary to state. The spy system, too, was tried to a considerable extent; but all would not do-the tide had turned, and the current set strongly against the exclusively loyal. In public proceedings they were obliged to be as still as mice when they fear a cat is ready to pounce upon them; and their high Torying, at which it was resolved to oppose the resouls were doomed to witness the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts-the removal of Catholic disabilities-and, finally, to look on with long faces, merely whispering gloomy forebodings, while the seal was put to their doom in the passing of the Reform Bill. It appears, from the newspapers, that they have lately had one of their meetings, of a dozen or two old gentlemen, in which they have resolved to support the Church against the reforms of the Whig ministers. This is ominous: if they support the Church, it is indeed in danger.

On the retirement of the Tories from public meetings, the liberals of different grades were left to themselves, and various circumstances occurred, from time to time, to mark the alteration which was going on among those who now took the lead. The conduct of the working class was often imprudent, but, on the whole, they were the pioneers to lead and clear the way. Wealth produces political caution;-the man who is already well off is afraid of any political alteration which may, by possibility, affect his well-being. He is more intent on preserving the good he has, than on attempting to improve his condition by political reforms; but the working class feel that they have little to lose, and, from political alterations, they hope for everything. The ideas and opinions which are fermenting in the interior of private society, are therefore commonly first openly expressed by them. The public pulse is thus felt, and the subject is made somewhat more familiar. By degrees a superior rank joins the innovators,additional proselytes are made, the general mind ripens; and what was at first a wild theory, advocated by those only who had nothing to lose, gets moulded into a tangible form, with definite limits; and at last, even in the estimation of the timid, becomes a practicable, safe, and desirable measure. In this way public opinion progressed in Manchester, and wealth and intelligence were at last found publicly and zealously advocating the important measures of Catholic Emancipation and Parliamentary Re

election of Mr W. Patten. He had failed in a single instance,—had given one wrong vote-but that was enough-the times were too critical to allow him to be trusted again. In a few days the whole county was put in motion. Mr B. Heywood agreed to stand, and, hoisting the banner of Reform, he was everywhere received with triumphant acclamations. Mr Patten, perceiv ing that he had no chance, withdrew from the contest; and thus it was shewn that, at the call of Manchester, what was previously denominated the Tory county of Lancaster, arose in its might, and exhibited itself fully animated with the spirit of the age. Every step in the struggle in Parliament, relative to the Reform Bill, was watched with the most lively interest-the power of the Tories there was well known; but when the news arrived that Lord Grey's ministry was out of office, and that a Tory administration was about to be formed, this interest rose to intense anxiety. On that day a few gentlemen met at the Town Hall, at twelve o'clock, to consider what should be done under the alarming circumstances of the times-others, by degrees, joined themall other business appeared to be forgotten; the political state of the country absorbed every other consideration. A chairman was voted, and some speeches were made-the room soon became crowded, though no meeting had been announced. Some declared they would no longer pay taxes, and the formation of a national guard was named; but resolutions and a petition seemed to meet the general view. Some gentlemen began writing, when a set of resolutions, just written, were thrown on the table. They met with general approbation, were adopted by the meeting, and a petition, founded upon them, praying the House of Commons to refuse supplies to a Tory administration, was agreed to. It was now two o'clock; and a considerable crowd had assembled outside of the building, waiting the result of the proceedings within. The petition was immediately written, and printed copies of it struck off and distributed; and, at the same time, sheets of parchment were procured for the receipt of sig