land. In a certain part of the wild country, Mr Inglis notices a tract, six miles in diameter, let for £6 4s. Why, instead of flying to New South Wales and Canada, and to the rack-rented Highlands of Scotland, do not our Scotch storefarmers turn their faces to Cunnemara ? Ballinasloe would be a nearer market to them than either Doune or Falkirk.

On a lovely evening our tourist sailed up the Killery, while "a blue sky-a perfect calmmild air—and magnificent scenery-united in furnishing forth a banquet of enjoyment; and I reached the house of Jack Joyce, fully disposed to be pleased with whatever the helpmate of this renowned person should set before me." The Joyces appear to hold, in Cunnemara, the exact place that certain illustrious Macs do in the Highlands of Scotland. "The Joyces are a large race; but Jack Joyce is huge, even among them. He is as near akin to a giant as a man can well be, without being every bit a giant. In breadth, height, muscle, and general aspect, he is like a man-if not of another race-the descendant of another race. Jack Joyce looks upon himself as the greatest man for many a mile round; as a sort of king of that country— Joyce's country-as indeed he is. King Dan is a very inferior person to him there." Mr Inglis paid this great personage fitting deference, and found him shrewd, intelligent, courteous, and communicative. Salmon in enormous pieces, and in all varieties of cookery, was served up. The potatoes rose to a pyramid, and the whisky bottle was of double the ordinary size in the hospi table hotel of Jack Joyce. Mr Inglis passed through Westport, Castlebar, and Ballina, to Sligo, where he found the first library he had seen since leaving Limerick. He continued his tour into Donegal, by Enniskillen, and through Fermanagh, and frequently diverged to visit the more celebrated scenes and places intermediately, Loch Erne and Loch Dergh not being forgotten. Loch Erne he places above Winandermere, with which this beautiful lake has sometimes been in compliment compared.

In the account which he gives of the station held at Lough Dergh, Mr Inglis is more ultrautilitarian and straight-laced than we generally find him. The higher orders of Irish Catholics and Protestants make their annual pilgrimages to the fashionable shrines of Bath, Cheltenham, London, or the Continent, for the improvement of their health and spirits; and the lower, from similar motives, to which are superadded some ideas of devotion, repair to St Patrick's purgatory at Loch Dergh. Flocks of devotees, nearly as numerous, may still be seen at a Highland Presbyterian sacrament, where the station lasts for nearly a week. Mr Inglis, upon the 12th of August, went from Kesh through Pettigo, to Loch Dergh. Some zealous Orangemen had erected arches, decorated with their party-colours, and with emblems and inscriptions, under which the pilgrims were compelled to pass. Had they torn down and trampled these insulting emblems, and had a general scrimmage ensued, all blame

should rest with the Orange zealots; but the poor pilgrims, three-fourths of whom are women, quietly submitted to this insulting preliminary

penance.

Nothing, says Mr Inglis, can be more desolate than the landscape around Loch Dergh. Barren heathy hills surround it on all sides, possessing neither form nor elevation, to give the slightest interest to the scene. The lake is considered to be about nine miles in circumference. As I descended towards the shore of the lake, I could see that the island, which is not quite a mile from the shore, was entirely covered with persons; and on the bank, which I soon reached, I found upwards of two hundred pilgrims waiting to be ferried over. They were generally respectably dressed. Some were sitting, some lying on the grass; some, more impatient, were standing close to the water, waiting the arrival of the ferry boat; and some, more impatient still, had been warmed into devotion, by the distant view of the holy place, and were already on their knees. They were of all ages.

As one reason for telling me some of the secrets of Loch Dergh, they said, that I, being a Protestant, should not be able to see anything on the island. I thought, at first, they meant that the holy doings there would be miraculously concealed from the profane eyes of a heretic; but I found that the hindrances were to be merely human. I was told, that the moment it was known to the prior, that a stranger was about to visit the island, orders were issued to suspend all devotions; and this I afterwards found to be true. The pilgrims may remain at the station three days, six days, or nine days; and some have even been so far indulged, as to have permission granted them to fast, pray, and do penance for fifteen days. But this is an especial favour. Nothing is eaten or drunk during the whole of the time any one remains on the island, excepting bread and water, or meal and water. Bread and meal can both be purchased in the island; but most of the pilgrims carry their scrip along with them. The penances consist of constant prayer, fasting, and want of sleep.

The penance of praying around the saints' beds is also practised. These are little circular stone walls, with stones and crosses inside, which are called saints' beds; and around these, on their knees, the pilgrims perform their "stations," repeating, at certain spots, a certain number of prayers.

The sum exacted from the pilgrim, for all the comforts of St Patrick's purgatory, including wine, amounts to 1s. 44d., of which 6d. is paid for the ferry. If, however, the penitent choose, there is nothing to prevent him from being generous; and it is not improbable that his generosity may be acceptable. Every pilgrim, who is a candidate for the benefits of Loch Dergh, must bring with him a recommendation from the parish priest. I inquired particularly whether the priest encouraged the pilgrimage, or dissuaded from it. The answer was, that he sometimes enjoins it, but most commonly does not influence he applicant one way or another.

The mere expense of the pilgrimages is not ruinous after all; and, like the priest with whom Mr Inglis walked back, the devotees may find themselves much the better for the discipline. Whatever the weather may be, no one ever takes cold at the station, either from wet clothes, and sitting upon the damp ground, as the traveller was assured. Upon the whole, his remarks upon this piece of plous and superstitious dissipation, are of annecessary severity.

In Donegal the traveller found the condition of the peasantry not much better than in the south; but, on entering Tyrone, there were symptoms of amelioration, which increased as he approached Londonderry, Flax was now become a frequent crop, and a ragged coat at last became

as rare as a whole one had been in the south and west.

"The clean and tidy appearance of the women and girls was equally a novel, as it was an agreeable sight. The farm-houses, too, were of a superior order: I do not mean merely that they were larger, or better built; this can be accomplished by any improving and considerate landlord. The improvement was visible in things which depend upon the occupant. Most of the houses had enclosures, and clumps of sheltering trees; and the epithetslovenly,' could rarely have found any subject for its application."

Londonderry, upon which he was now bearing, appeared to Mr Inglis the most finely situated town in the United Kingdoms, save always "our own romantic town," for which he makes due exception. Londonderry, he conceives, an advancing place. It would seem to be a decidedly Tory, or rather Orange town. Many of the inhabitants were rejoiced to hear that the Peers had rejected the Tithe Bill of last year. Mr Inglis is right in supposing such persons very ignorant of the true state of Ireland. Not that we agree with his reasoning on this point. Rational people in Londonderry, he says, even then questioned the propriety of making a present to landlords at the expense of the clergy; we question the justice of making them such a present at the expense of the people of the united empire. How much, under the present system, of the remitted tithe, would, in ten find years, itself in the pockets of the farmers and the cottars, is the question for us? Mr Inglis found some of the clergy condemn the vote of the Peers; and they did wisely, though for them the Whig bill had been a worse measure than it was. Better

a half loaf than no bread. The House of Lords is the most deadly, though it may be the unconscious enemy of the Irish Church.

Almost everywhere throughout Ireland, Mr Inglis found the inns good and the charges moderate. In the Club House, or Hibernian Hotel, Kilkenny, an excellent bed-room and a parlour fronting the street, two shillings per day; dinner, two shillings and sixpence; breakfast, one shilling and eightpence; tea, one shilling and a penny. Wine about the same price as in England, but of better quality. This is the average of the principal towns of the south. He is careful to mark the price of provisions in different quarters; and though implicit faith is not to be put in this kind of information, the truth cannot be far off. Poultry, owing to the smallness of the farms, is universally cheap; though, when Mr Inglis says that fowls which will cost five and six shillings a pair in London, and a turkey that will cost ten or twelve shillings there, may be bought in most parts of Ireland, the one for one shilling, or one shilling and sixpence, and the other for two shillings and sixpence, and three shillings, he does not take into account the difference of size and fattening. Butcher meat, though much cheaper than in London, is not comparatively so cheap as poultry; and in the south and west of Ireland, the short supply of

fish makes this article of food much dearer than on those teeming shores it ought to be, and much dearer, for example, than in Scotland, where large farms and improved husbandry have raised the price of poultry, and reduced the price of butcher meat and bread, and generally of all descriptions of farm produce, in spite of dear

rents.

The travels of Mr Inglis in the north, in Ulster, are much less interesting than his excur-> sions in the provinces of Leinster and Connaught. The thriving towns and flourishing manufactories, and the comparatively comfortable and intelligent population of the counties of Antrim, Armagh, and Down, present less novelty and attraction, than the wild or partially tame districts of the south and west. The traveller, as a matter of course, visited the Giant's Causeway, Loch Neagh, and the more remarkable scenes in this division of Ireland; but we do not think it necessary to trace his exact route until he approaches Belfast, which he did from Antrim.

I passed through a country all under cultivation, very populous, and adorned by handsome country houses, shewing, by the bleachfields in their neighbourhood, that they were the property of the linen merchants. A few miles before reaching Belfast, a magnificent view is disclosed of Belfast Loch, the town, and the surrounding country, from the height over which the road passes; and by a fine road, and a gentle descent, you soon after

enter the town.

It needs but a glance at Belfast and the surrounding country, to perceive that this town, and its neighbouring districts, have nothing in common with the rest of Ireland. It is true that Londonderry, Coleraine, and the other northern towns and districts, do not present a contrast to Belfast-the perfect contrasts must be looked for in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught: but the visual evidences of prosperity are so much more abundant, and so much more striking in Belfast, than even in the other most flourishing towns of Ulster, that I am justified in saying, that Belfast has little or nothing in common with the rest of Ireland. Within the town, and without the town, the proofs of prosperity are equally striking. Walk towards the outskirts, and fine broad streets, and handsome rows, and squares-evidently but of yesterday, and as evidently the residences of wealthy persons-are seen stretching, in all directions, from the central parts of the town:-return into the commercial part of the town, and nothing will be seen that might not justify a comparison with the most flourishing among the manufacturing and commercial cities of the empire. Walk into the neighbouring country, and the evidences of enterprise and capital are still more abundant. On all sides are seen, near and far, manufactòries, or mills, as they are called, of immense extent, evidently newly erected, and vying-nay, I think, surpassing-in size, and in all other respects, the mills and factories of our great manufacturing towns: others are seen in course of erection; and, round and round, scores of tall chimneys, and their clouds of utilitarian smoke, remind one of Manchester, Glasgow, and Leeds. No mud cabins-these I had left behind me long ago-no poor cottages form a suburb, or disfigure it; and neither in the streets, nor in the suburbs, is the eye arrested by objects of compassion. There is, in fact, no trace of an Irish population among any class: the lower orders are not ragged, and starving, and idle because unemployed: the middle and upper classes are not loungers and men of pleasure. Pleasure, in Belfast, is a very secondary consideration. No town, perhaps, of the United Kingdom, contains so few who live upon a fixed income, derived from capital or property. Every one has something to do, and every one appears to find pleasure in doing something. Tradesmen do not

here shut up shop, and set up for fine gentlemen, on the strength of a few thousand pounds. Merchants do not ingeniously mingle the utile and the dulce. Business is life here, and life is business; and the merchant, worth £50,000, looks upon it as a sufficient relaxation from the toils of the Linen Hall, that he spends the evening at his country-house, and regales his eye with a view of his well-filled bleachfield.

The present town of Belfast is but of twenty-five years' standing at least one-third of the town has been built within the last fifteen years; and no town of the United Kingdom has had so rapid an increase in population. Seventy years ago, Belfast contained but 8000 inhabi

tants.

Its present population is 65,000.

Mr Inglis is not pleased with the architectural style of Belfast. The modern streets have, he thinks, a tiny hungry look. He notices particularly the flourishing state of the linen trade, and the recent erection of numerous flax spinning mills-one great source of the prosperity of this favoured region.

The establishments of the merchants in the Linen-Hall, are well worth a visit; the linen made up for the market is really a pretty sight to one who never saw it before, bound round with its embossed gilt paper, and gaudy ribbons. The expense of ornamenting the linen increases the price to the purchaser from a penny to a penny halfpenny a yard; but in the American market, they would not look at the linen unless it were so ornamented. One would not expect this of sturdy republicans. The bleaching-fields are also worth a visit. The principal of these lie a mile or two out of town; and it is the general practice of the merchant to live near to his bleachfield.

The wages of all the persons employed in a bleaching house, average from six shillings to nine shillings per week; but the labour averages more than twelve hours per day: the wages of boys employed in the bleachworks, are from three shillings to four shillings and sixpence. In the flax-spinning mills, girls earn from two shillings to four shillings per week: and the average wages of weavers may be stated at about eight shillings. These are undoubtedly low wages; but the linen trade is of that peculiar character, that the labour of young and old, boys and girls, is required: and although the weaver earns but eight shillings per week, he has perhaps two girls, who earn six shillings between them on the spinning wheel; and a boy or two, who earn three shillings or four shillings a-piece in the bleachfield.

Next in importance to the linen trade of Belfast, stands the calico trade.

The muslin trade is also prosecuted here, and cotton printing is reviving. Ship-building and the provision trade are other fertile sources of the prosperity of Belfast. A visit to the suburbs of this town presented a gratifying contrast to that which he made to those of Limerick, Mitchelstown, and other places.

"Altogether, there is nearly full and constant employment for labour in Belfast. I visited many of the houses of the lower class, in the suburbs and lanes of the town, and found no complaint of want of work: and I am inclined to think, that all the healthy and industrious labourers can afford to live in tolerable comfort. I know that labourers could with difficulty be found when I was at Belfast; and the ordinary rate of wages was then one shilling and threepence per day. The number of infirm and diseased poor in Belfast, bears no comparison with the infirm pauper population of Limerick."

What follows is another gratifying and certain indication of the prosperity, as it is of the intelligence of Belfast:

"The middle classes of Belfast are not only a thinking, but an educated and a reading people. There are no fewer than fourteen booksellers in Belfast, and all of them enjoy a fair share of business. Nor are libraries wanting. The Linen-Hall library contains about 9000 volumes; the town contains four circulating libraries, and more than one private book society; and several others are established in the neighbouring villages. Reading clubs are indeed numerous among the country people of Down, Antrim, and Armagh-I mean among the lower classes and are well and liberally conducted. I ascertained, that the number of Tory periodicals sold in Belfast does not amount to half the number sold of a liberal character. Of the monthly periodicals, Tait's Magazine enjoys the largest circulation; and next to it, comes the Dublin University Magazine."

The public institutions are upon the same scale. When Mr Inglis was in Belfast, he noticed the increase of what he calls a moderate party in the north, i. e. a Whiggish or Ministerial party, in contradistinction to Orangemen and to O'Connellites. The late ministerial changes will suspend, if they do not annihilate, this moderate party, and throw it at once back upon that which he rather indefinitely calls the "Mock Patriots." Who the Mock Patriots may be, Mr Inglis would, we apprehend, find it difficult to tell. If he mean the party of which O'Connell forms the head, he will experience some difficulty in persuading Irishmen, that the Agitator has not the true interests of his own country at heart, however troublesome the policy of that distinguished man may be alternately to the Tory and the Whig governments of Britain. The traveller has omitted to notice, that even these Moderates, or the Whigs of Ireland, are very generally Repealers.

The distinctive difference between the character of the south and north of Ireland, is very conspicuous in Belfast. Our traveller says

Even among the richest merchants and manufacturers, many of whom are worth £50,000, and some, perhaps, double that sum, no display is seen: no pomp, or ostentation. Things are plain, but comfortable; and although there is no want of courtesy and attention to strangers, who are well recommended, the hospitalities of Belfast are not offered with that empressement which distinguishes the south and west. The people of Belfast count the cost of everything; and to this disposition, the Belfast merchant owes, in a great measure, the possession of those means of enterprise and liberality, which are shewn in his own private speculations, as well as in the public benefits for which the town is indebted to him. The merchants of Belfast are too busy, and too much occupied in money-getting, to have time for much company-keeping; and Sunday, which, in the south and west, is a day of pleasure, is here passed at church and meeting houses.

We are glad to see that Mr Inglis does not leave Ireland without having occasion to say a good word for one churchman. The Primate of Armagh "is liberal in his doings, and has an eye upon those who are less fortunately circumstanced than himself." At Armagh there is a library of 20,000 volumes, to the use of which every one resident within thirty miles is en

titled, upon depositing double the value of the book borrowed. This is liberal management. Of the great proprietors in this neighbourhood, none are bad landlords. Lord Caledon and the Marquis of Downshire obtain a high character. The rents of the estate of the former have been reduced twenty-five per cent, within the last seven years. We are glad to find that conservative agitation is not popular in this, the headquarters of deep-dyed Orangeism; or, at least, that though patronized by such men as Lord Roden, it is not popular among the educated Conservative population. The Orange Lodges about Newry and Armagh are "chiefly composed of the farmers-a highly respectable class, certainly, but very far inferior in intelligence and information to the shop-keepers and tradesmen of the towns, among whom very few Orangemen are to be found."

From Newry, which he notices as a respectable-looking and thriving town, Mr Inglis returned to Dublin by the common route through Dundalk and Drogheda, and thus completed a circle of above two thousand miles-zig-zags and divergences, of course, included. With a visit to the Catholic college of Maynooth the work terminates. Of this well-meant establishment, Mr Inglis neither approves the character nor discipline. The modern priest educated at Maynooth is very inferior in his eyes to the olden ecclesiastics who were trained at such places as Salamanca and Douay. He found the old foreign-educated priest a gentleman, a man of frank, easy deportment, and good general information, though by no means so good a Catholic as the student of Maynooth. "The latter was found either a coarse, vulgar-minded man, or a stiff, close, and very conceited man, but in every instance Popish to the back-bone, learned probably in theology, but profoundly ignorant of all that liberalizes the mind." The censures upon the rigid system of Maynooth are not unmerited. It is a system well-fitted to make zealous Catholic ecclesiastics, but not the best parish priests.

Mr Inglis anticipates the report of the PoorLaw commissioners,* and assumes that he is better qualified to report faithfully, than those authorized gentlemen, for reasons which to us appear quite conclusive. We have no doubt whatever that his work contains more useful information, in a compendious form, than will be found in the bulky forthcoming folio report-if ever it now come forth. The High Church party resented

This was done last spring, in an article in Johnstone's Magazine, entitled, Thady Blake and the PoorLaw Commissioners; much of the same kind of statistical information, embodied in Mr Inglis' work, will also be found in an article in Tail's Magazine for April 1833, upon the Parliamentary Report on the State of Ireland; but the story of Ireland's wrongs cannot be told too often.

and opposed the appointment of the commissioninquiry, which, even when partially prosecuted, boded no good to the Church. The report Mr Inglis has given by anticipation, is sensible and accurate. He had the advantage of his own personal inquiries; the free opinions of intelligent persons of all classes, and of all parties, and the information embodied in previous reports upon the state of Ireland. Farther reports upon the state of that country are truly a farce. Enough has been said in thirty years; it is time to do., In a few words we may give the substance of Mr Inglis' report:-Rent of land is highest in Leinster, next in Munster; Ulster comes thirdand land is lowest in Connaught, where it is let by the lump. Employment is very scarce, and wages, or the price of the labour performed, does not exceed fourpence a-day on the whole yearly earnings. Cabins are wretched, miserably furnished, and high-rented. The diet of the people, save in Ulster where things are better, consists of a scanty meal or two of potatoes, with the addition, at times, of a little butter-milk. As for clothing, an English beggar would not pick off the ground the clothes worn by old and young of the lower classes in Leinster, Munster, and Connaught. There is, in general, no work for women and children. The rent of the con-acre varies from £7 up to £12. From many districts the men, and chiefly the married men, go yearly to England in search of employment. Pawnbrokers' shops are exceedingly numerous in all the towns, and so regulated, that the interest upon 1s. lent, with the expense of the duplicate, amounts to 8s. Sd. per annum. Excepting in Ulster, there are no mechanics' libraries. Early marriages among the lower class are universal. The chief causes of litigation are poverty and competition for land. The chief causes of outrages and assaults are, (according to Mr Inglis,) disputed possession, disputed boundary, trespass of cattle, and distraining for rent. We would add, as even stronger causes, competition for land, which, in Ireland, is, in fact a struggle for dear life, and the enforced collection of tithes and of countyrates. Having already, upon a subject always apt to lead us too far, considerably exceeded the prescribed limits, we must take an abrupt leave of "IRELAND IN 1834." We are sensible that we have scarce done justice to Mr Inglis' book. It deserves a more rigid scrutiny--more blame, and certainly more praise, both for its object and its spirit. We have done still less justice to the feelings which many of its representations are calculated to arouse in minds familiar with the history, or, in equivalent words, with the wrongs of Ireland.

Oh, pardon us! THOU BLEEDING PIECE OF EARTH! If we are tame and gentle with thy murderers!

Mr GUTZLAFF has again deserved well of the British Public. Not that his book approaches to what we desire to see written in regard of China; for it is immethodical-distributed by chronological instead of natural epochs, and therefore it does not present events in proper or relative size; it fails in conveying to the general reader easy or even definite notions of the geographical progress of the Celestial Empire; and there is room for doubt, whether, with the exception of fidelity, the author has much of the spirit of an Historian. As a collection of facts, however, the work is faithful; it is a trustworthy excerpt from the Chinese records; abounding in characteristic anecdote, its interest and authenticity greatly advance it before the deceiving outline of Duhalde; and it will give many who have hitherto drawn their whole knowledge from the pages of this compiler, and many more who know nothing of China at all, opportunity of witnessing something of the progress, the actions, and the feelings of a People, who compare dates with Assyria and Ethiopia-who were powerful during the days of Cyrus--who, so early as the reigns of Augustus and Trajan, had stretched their authority over the vast regions of Central Asia, and, by statesmanship of a high order, consolidated its Nations into a great and compact federative system— a People who have seen the sun go down on all that was boastful in the western world, surviving through many vicissitudes, and retaining their character, their manners, their sway in Oriental Asia, until the present hour. For the student of a more thoughtful cast, here also is new food for meditation.

Under the robe of a distant, a strange, and somewhat fantastic form of society, how improving to trace out the passions, affections, and energies-the HEART of our common humanity; and it does not detract from the interest of the survey, that we find, if we have much to give, that there is also something to receive, and that the benefits will not all reckon on one side, when the Eastern and Western Races shall be brought into closer correspondence by the moulding power of civilization. By aid of Mr Gutzlaff, we hope, in this brief paper, to bring out a few glimpses of such truths.

66

The form of the virtual government of China, is the simplest possible. The despotism of the Emperor is as unlimited as despotism can be ; i. e. his will is checked only by the character of his people, or their indisposition to suffer more than a certain quantity of evil. There are neither major" nor "minor" barons in the empire, dignity and property being dependent upon the sovereign's will. From the earliest foundation of the monarchy, which evidently dates from the patriarchal age of the Chinese people, this simple organization has existed, only troubled in its course by the imprudence of the founder of the

dynasty of Tcheou, who, some hundred years previous to our secular war, rewarded his generals after the old fashion of Europe, by granting them absolute possession of large domains. From this sprung an exact equivalent to our feudalism; and so strangely alike is human nature, whether inhabiting on the banks of the Hoangho or the Seine, that, in perusing the annals of the period which elapsed ere its subsequent extinction by one of China's most vigorous sovereigns, one might conceive one's self shuddering over the glories of the Noblesse of La Grande Nation, as chronicled in the earlier pages of the terrible narrative of Sismondi.

Although the government is precisely as now described, its operation is, of course, veiled in China. In no country superior to the estate of barbarism, does irresponsible power of any sort venture to appear as it really is, or to claim homage purely on its own account; generally we find it covered over by some sentimental sanction, because of thraldom to which the people are induced to tolerate its oppressions; and the nature of this sentiment-more clearly, perhaps, than any other characteristic-points out the position at which the mass are halting in the way towards social improvement. Now, if we judge them by this principle, the Chinese are in a most promising condition. The main prop of their despotism is the common belief in the existence of an arrangement, which contains a nearer approach to the essentials of good government, than has yet been accomplished by any of the great nations of Europe. The Emperor is supposed fettered by a necessity imposed on him by the ancient laws, to select his functionaries from a body of men rising in rank according to their knowledge, the claim of each individual being determined by impartial personal examination. The mandarin class, in theory, is a free aristocracy of intellect, its lowest distinctions are open to all, and deserving mandarins ascend to the loftiest honours, simply by passing through the foregoing rational and testing ordeal. The theory, indeed, is not actualized; but the degree in which prac tice corresponds with it, is unquestionably the chief power by which force and unity have, from time immemorial, been given to so vast a govern.. ment; and-what is of the utmost moment-the Chinese mind has thus been habituated for ages to recognize the LAW, that POWER SHOULD BE AS KNOWLEDGE, and that knowledge is not determinable by the accidents of position in society. On this principle, therefore, which is the true and the practicable St Simonianism-the very end and aim of all rational reform-we may be quite sure that the inhabitants of that country are prepared to cleanse or reconstruct their political fabric; and, at all events, they are superior to delusions concerning the rights and duties of factitious "orders"—to all conceptions so destructive and ridiculous, as that knowledge will be as rank, with