The discussion on supply was notable for a persuasive and powerful appeal made by Mr. Cobden. Lord John Russell, on moving the education vote, had said it was useless. to bring forward a general plan until there was a greater concurrence of opinion, and that Government must confine its efforts to improving the quality of instruction. Mr. Cobden warmly complained that the President of the Council was letting down the question, and going backward in regard to it. He maintained that they must make up their minds to local rates. They could not otherwise have a system worthy of the name. After sixteen years of trifling, they wanted something decisive. The country could not afford to have a "little national education." If they were to do anything adequate, they must raise at least three-and-a-half millions a year, and England was rich enough to do that. He suggested a permissive bill, giving power to different localities-beginning with corporate towns. He said that many meetings were held amongst the advocates of secular and denominational education, and there was a tendency to toleration and compromise. There was no occasion to be afraid that people wanted to do anything irreligious. There could not be got together a hundred men into whose heads it would enter to do anything inimical to religion; yet no sooner was secular education mentioned, than it was declared a plot was laid to undermine religion. So anxious was he for education, on secular principles or without them, that he was willing to join in efforts for denominational education, or for secular education, or separate education; the only condition being that it should include the whole community. He condemned the languid tone and feeble hand with which Lord John Russell had approached the question of late, and contended that an immature plan would result in a further postponement. (1)

1 Hansard, 134, 962.

The Crimean war necessarily diverted public attention from domestic questions; but, nevertheless, there were in 1855 four measures before Parliament proposing different means of dealing with education. One of these, Denison's Act, permitting Guardians to pay the fees for the education of children of out-door paupers, actually became law. The statute was practically inoperative, as shown by the evidence given before the Newcastle Commission. In nine counties only eleven children received the benefit of its provisions —and only some six or seven thousand throughout the country. (1) It remained ineffectual until its repeal in 1876. Its author was an advanced educationist, and one of the early advocates of compulsion.

The other bills of the session were, a Government measure, under the charge of Lord John Russell; another, introduced by Sir John Pakington; and a secular bill, promoted by the National Public School Association, and under the care of Mr. Milner Gibson. The Government bill was never put fairly before Parliament, which was distracted by discussions upon the conduct of the war. Lord Palmerston succeeded Lord Aberdeen as Prime Minister in February, 1855, and continued to hold the office until the beginning of 1868. ? Earl Granville was President of the Council during the whole of this time. During the early part of 1855, Lord John Russell held the post of Colonial Secretary in Lord Palmerston's Ministry, and he was entrusted with the education measures of the Government. His absence at Vienna, on a mission connected with the war, prevented progress, and on his return to England he resigned his office. One result, however, of his visit to Vienna seems to have been to enlarge his views on education, and in the following session he was roundly charged by the Voluntaryists with bringing home "a new-fangled scheme of despotism."

1 Newcastle Commission, 380.

Sir John Pakington pressed forward his measure with much resolution and energy. The state of education as fostered by the voluntary societies was a scandal. An analysis of the imposing returns of the National Society showed that not more than 30 per cent. of their schools were legally secured for educational purposes; 47 per cent. of the whole were neither legally nor virtually so secured, and of the 47 per cent. 50 per cent. were kept in dame's cottages, corners of churches, belfries, kitchens, or other rooms of parsonage houses. Sir John's bill was permissive in character. It proposed to place education in the hands of Boards elected by the ratepayers. Magistrates were to be ex-officio members, and other members were to have a ratal qualification of £30. Powers were vested in the Boards for providing schools, superintending the education of the district, levying rates and expending them under the control of the Education Department. The rates were to be supplemented by Parliamentary grants, and the schools were to be free. Existing schools were to be assisted out of the rates. A conscience clause was to be imposed on all schools. In new schools the religious teaching was to be in accordance with the opinions of a majority.

Mr. Milner Gibson's bill was for secular education. It was not put forward in antagonism to that of Sir John Pakington. They were both agreed that schools should be free, and be supported by rates. Mr. Gibson aimed at entire local management and liberty of conscience. In the state of parties and the distractions of opinion there was no hope of progress. All the measures were opposed by the Voluntaryists, and by the advocates of the existing schools which were now satisfied with the money they received. The Wesleyan Committee passed resolutions affirming that their community would never consent that the teaching of religion in their

schools should be subject to restriction. (1) Before the close of the session all the bills were withdrawn.

In 1856, Lord Granville, the new President of the Council, brought in a bill in the House of Lords for the appointment of a Vice-President of the Council, who would be responsible to the House of Commons for the distribution of the grant, now enormously increased by the capitation grant, which had been extended by Minute to boroughs. The bill passed, with slight opposition, and Mr. Cowper, afterwards known as Mr. Cowper-Temple, and the author of the clause bearing his name in the act of 1870, (2) was the first Vice-President. The President of the Council also submitted a bill enabling towns and parishes to rate themselves for purposes of education, but no effort was made to pass it.

The House of Commons was meanwhile the scene of some stirring debates. Lord John Russell, no longer fettered by the responsibilities of office, moved a series of twelve resolutions, covering the whole field of the education controversy. They affirmed the necessity of the revision and consolidation of the Minutes of Council; of an increase in the number of Inspectors; the formation of school districts; an enquiry into the available means of instruction; the proper application of charitable trusts; the power of rating; the election of school committees, with powers of management; the reading of the Scriptures; and a scheme of indirect compulsion, to be carried out by employers. In regard to direct compulsion, Lord John said: "I do not think it would be possible, I should be glad if it were, to compel the parents of these children to send them to school. I do not think you could, by any enactment, reach the parents in such places as Birmingham, Sheffield, and others, in which, however,

1 Newcastle Report, 312.

2 Section 14, prohibiting the teaching of religious formularies,

Sir John Pakington pressed forward his measure with much resolution and energy. The state of education as fostered by the voluntary societies was a scandal. An analysis of the imposing returns of the National Society showed that not more than 30 per cent. of their schools were legally secured for educational purposes; 47 per cent. of the whole were neither legally nor virtually so secured, and of the 47 per cent. 50 per cent. were kept in dame's cottages, corners of churches, belfries, kitchens, or other rooms of parsonage houses. Sir John's bill was permissive in character. It proposed to place education in the hands of Boards elected by the ratepayers. Magistrates were to be ex-officio members, and other members were to have a ratal qualification of £30. Powers were vested in the Boards for providing schools, superintending the education of the district, levying rates and expending them under the control of the Education Department. The rates were to be supplemented by Parliamentary grants, and the schools were to be free. Existing schools were to be assisted out of the rates. A conscience clause was to be imposed on all schools. In new schools the religious teaching was to be in accordance with the opinions of a majority.

Mr. Milner Gibson's bill was for secular education. It was not put forward in antagonism to that of Sir John Pakington. They were both agreed that schools should be free, and be supported by rates. Mr. Gibson aimed at entire local management and liberty of conscience. In the state of parties and the distractions of opinion there was no hope of progress. All the measures were opposed by the Voluntaryists, and by the advocates of the existing schools which were now satisfied with the money they received. The Wesleyan Committee passed resolutions affirming that their community would never consent that the teaching of religion in their