the faith and morals of the Catholic people."

"In union

with the Holy See and the Bishops of the Catholic world they renewed their often-repeated condemnation of mixed education as intrinsically and grievously dangerous to faith and morals." They drew from Irish history evidence that "godless education was subversive of religion and morality, of domestic peace, of the rights of property, and social order." In all future elections of Members of Parliament they pledged themselves to oppose the return of candidates who would not uphold the principle of denominational education for Catholic children. Cardinal Cullen said, "they pronounced for Catholic schools, Catholic teachers, Catholic books, everything Catholic in the education of their children;" and they claimed "an adequate share" of patronage and endowment.

No one will deny to the Roman Catholic Bishops the merit of candour and honesty. They did not cloak their design under the pretence that the subsidies they demanded were for secular instruction. In the plainest language they asked for the endowment of the Roman Catholic religion out of the public funds. They required that the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland should be placed in the same position of paramount authority towards other sects which the Church of England occupied in regard to English and Welsh Dissenters. The religion of the minority had been disestablished, and they now asked that the religion of the majority should be put in its place.

These were demands which, if there was any principle or stability in the professions of English and Scotch liberalism, could not be conceded. Here began a new step in the disintegration of the Liberal party. The Liberals had given to the Roman Catholics religious equality; and they now asked for religious preference. Most Liberals had looked

forward to a time when the alliance between the Roman Catholics and the Liberal party would be severed by a natural divergence of policy and feeling, and the hour appeared to have arrived. The Dissenters of Great Britain had not lent their aid to the disestablishment of one religion, with the view of elevating another, to which they were more hostile, in its stead. The appeal therefore from the Irish Protestants of all sects for assistance in resisting these threatened encroachments, was taken up with much cordiality, and was supported and encouraged by the Radicals and Nonconformists of England, in numbers and weight, which left no doubt that, with the exception of a few Ministerialists and the Roman Catholics, all but a fraction of the Liberal party was opposed to any tampering with the existing Irish system.

The Parliamentary action this year was confined to an attempt to amend the new revised Code which was issued in February, and which gratified the Denominationalists by the large increase of grant. In the discussion of its provisions in the House of Commons on the 10th of March, Mr. Dixon moved "That an address be presented to Her Majesty praying that she would be graciously pleased to direct that such alterations be made in the new Code of Regulations issued by the Committee of the Privy Council on Education, and now lying upon the table of this House, as shall prevent any increased scale of grants of public money to denominational schools." There was much fluttering and indignation amongst the Tories and the clergy when the intention to move this resolution was made public, and they denounced in no measured terms the "unblushing and unprincipled persistence" in opposition to the grant. There was, however, no cause for their alarm, for in spite of the efforts which were concentrated against the proposal, it was carried by the now familiar combination of Ministerialists and Tories. Sixty-six Liberals,

representing the most influential and populous constituencies in the Kingdom, voted against the Government, while a much larger number absented themselves from the division.

A joint deputation from the League and the Central Nonconformist Committee waited on the Vice-President to protest against the increased grant, and to suggest some additions to the Code for securing more effectual teaching, and a more economical administration of public funds. The chief suggestions were that there should be a graduated system of grants, with larger payments for passes in the higher standards; that a certain proportion of subscriptions should be required in voluntary or denominational schools; that the balance sheets of the latter schools, as well as those of the Board schools, should be published; with other provisions to prevent so-called voluntary schools from being conducted wholly at the public cost-a result easily attainable by the combined action of the Education Act and the new Code. The extreme tenderness felt at the Education Department for the views and interests of the Denominationalists prevented the adoption of these

recommendations.

In other respects the code was a small step towards proficiency. The number of attendances required to obtain a grant was increased, and the standards of examination were raised. All amendments intended to improve the quality of instruction were heartily supported by the League.

The events which have been noticed made 1871 a busy year for the League, which was the head quarters and centre of advice, instruction, and encouragement for all who were striving for an efficient national system based on unsectarian lines. The promotion and election of School Boards ; administrative work upon the Boards; resistance to the sectarian tendencies of the act, and agitation for its extension and amendment so as to secure higher educational results,

fully occupied the members of the branches, acting under the direction of the Executive.

The influence and operations of the League in the country were of a more extended character than in the previous year. At the Annual Meeting in 1871, the Committee reported that the branches had increased to 315. Agents, resident and travelling, had been appointed for each division of the country. A great number of publications were issued, designed to show the deficiencies of the Act, and to promote the formation of School Boards, and the enforcement of compulsion. Papers on Normal schools, the Scotch bill, the cumulative vote, the defects of the Act, the cost and results of denominationalism, the revised code, and the 25th clause, were widely distributed during the year. The special work undertaken in the constituencies with a view to parliamentary elections, was also of a very important and suggestive character. The breach was not so wide as it afterwards became, but the League had no intention to decline the challenge of Ministers to appeal to the country, and action was being taken in many boroughs which was much to the discomfort of the Whig supporters of the Government, and laid the foundation for that unpopularity at St. Stephens' which the organisation afterwards acquired.

The serious nature of the disruption in the party, and the intense dissatisfaction caused by the persistence of the Government in their policy of retrogression, were manifested at the third annual meeting of the League, held at Birmingham on the 17th and 18th of October, 1871. The meeting was attended by specially appointed delegates from various sections of the party, representing especially the Labour organisations and the Nonconformist associations. Probably no gathering of Liberals, so numerous and representative, coming from every part of the kingdom, had ever met together to protest against

the action of a Liberal administration. There were present in large numbers earnest Liberals who felt that Liberal principles were endangered, and Educationists of note who remonstrated against a policy which had obstructed education by mixing it up with the question of religious establishments.

Mr. Dixon presided, and in his opening address exposed the defects of the Act as an educational measure, and the danger of the sectarian struggle which it had aroused. He said that the Government had been warned against their policy, but the warning had been unheeded. Referring to the future he said, "in the Scotch Education Bill which the Government are to introduce next session, the Denominationalists may be again triumphant; and when the Irish Education question is dealt with, the Ultramontane Roman Catholics may be equally successful in gaining a victory over the champions of united secular and separate religious instruction; but the pages of history tell us that the spirit of religious freedom and equality in this country is unquenchable, and rises more vigorous from defeat. And the reports which the Officers of the League receive from all parts of the country induce me to believe that forces are now silently gathering which will undermine the power of the strongest Government, and overthrow the political fabric of the most time-honoured of Churches."

Sir Charles Dilke moved the adoption of the report of the Executive. In the course of his speech he said, "such a pass have things come to that every gathering of Liberals in the kingdom is a meeting for the denunciation of the Liberal Ministry, except in Scotland, in which happy country the effect of this bill has not been felt." "I think the only men who can look with confidence to the future are those who take the view that these difficulties will never cease until the Government confines itself to giving facilities for teaching that which can harm the conscience of no man, and leaves the