their support. Comparing the division with that of the preceding year, it showed that the League strength in the House had exactly doubled.

In the same session Mr. Candlish brought in a bill to repeal the 25th section. The straits to which the Government were now reduced, were exemplified by the voting on this occasion. One hundred and thirty-two Liberals supported the bill. The Ministerial majority was composed of 123 Liberals and 195 Tories. Eleven members of the Government, including three Cabinet Ministers, took no part in the division. In the meantime the irritation in the country was intensified. The Nonconformists were exasperated by the policy of the Ministry, and were preparing for electoral action. Refusals to pay rates, followed by distraints, were common, while School Boards and Town Councils were at open war.

As an educational measure the Scotch Bill of this year was an improvement on the English Act, since it provided for universal School Boards and compulsory attendance. It was, however, intensely sectarian. The time-table conscience clause was given up. Denominational instruction might be given at the cost of the ratepayers without restriction or limitation. The payment of fees in voluntary schools was made obligatory. These provisions were taken to foreshadow the views of the Government in regard to Ireland, and the suspicion daily gained ground that a coalition of Ministerialsts and Tories had resolved to enforce a compulsory system of denominational education throughout the United Kingdom.

The Government was now (1872) in its fourth session, and had therefore reached more than the average age of Parliaments. The serious divisions of the party rendered it the more probable that a dissolution might come abruptly. For these reasons much attention was given to electoral

organization. The details of this department are not of a character to make public. Many public meetings were held, and conferences between members and their constituents were promoted. In some places the League was strong enough openly to assert the right to take part in the counsels of the party, and to make its own terms. In others the work was of a more delicate nature; but in the end the organization contrived to make its influence respected, often where its presence was least suspected. A large electoral fund was subscribed to meet the special expenditure which these operations demanded.

In view of the expected amendments of the Government it was determined that the whole strength of the League should be devoted to assist in carrying them. Therefore at the annual meeting of 1872 it was resolved that the Parliamentary action should be confined to three points— universal School Boards, compulsory attendance, and the unconditional repeal of section 25.

That there might be no League, the Executive took nothing but unconditional Mr. W. H. Smith had given

There was some ambiguity in the utterances of Ministers respecting this clause. mistake on the part of the pains to make it clear that repeal would satisfy them. notice that he should move that the power to pay fees should be transferred from School Boards to Guardians of the Poor. Whether the motion was a trap for the Ministry, or was sincerely designed to help Mr. Forster in his perplexity may be a little doubtful. It led, however, to more formidable differences between the Government and their natural adherents. Mr. Hebbert, the Parliamentary secretary to the Poor Law Board, took up the idea, and during the recess expressed his approval of it. This was in time for the League to make it clearly known that no such solution of the difficulty would appease the quarrel. Mr. Chamberlain,

representing the Executive, characterised the idea as a proof of the incompetency of its authors to understand the scruples of Dissenters. While it would not remove a single ground of their hostility, it would create evils fatal to the spread of education and the independence of the people. It was a pretended concession, ignoring principle, and would carry sectarian conflict into the election of another group of public bodies, placing Magistrates, Guardians, and School Boards in constant antagonism. Where it secured the education of a child, it would be at the price of the degradation of the parent. Rather than any such shifting of the cards, Mr. Chamberlain advised that the question should be left alone.

It may be objected to the action of the Dissenters that they had never opposed Denison's Act, which enabled Guardians to pay the fees of the children of out-door paupers in denominational schools, and which involved the principle of the 25th clause. But, although Denison's Act had been on the statute book for fifteen years, it was inoperative and unknown. The new proposal was that it should be enforced, and should be widely extended in its application. The Boards of Guardians had never liked the Act, and the Manchester Board on the motion of Mr. J. A. Bremner, now passed a strong resolution against its extension.

In opening the fifth session of Parliament the Queen's speech announced an amending bill. Mr. Dixon also gave notice of his bill for School boards, compulsion and the repeal of section 25. In March Mr. Gladstone asked that the League bill should be postponed until the Government measure was introduced, and as there was a general expectation that the latter would follow the same lines, this was readily conceded. In the meantime there was a ministerial crisis on the question of Irish University education, and a dissolution seemed to be imminent. But the difficulty was

bridged across, and after repeated delays the Government brought forward their Bill in June.

A bitter sense of betrayal was produced amongst Educationists and Nonconformists by the statement of the Vice-President. The Act of 1870 had been three years in operation, and the Education Department had not yet sent out the whole of the notices to provide the deficiency of accommodation. While education languished the sectarian conflict was incessant. Energy which might have been employed in execution, was occupied in the struggle over first principles. In these circumstances the Government made no proposal calculated to advance education a step, or to give peace to the distracted country. They made no provision for School Boards, or attendance; and in regard to the religious question they precipitated themselves into the arms of their enemies. The authority to pay fees was transferred from School Boards to Guardians, with this difference, that where it had been permissive, it was now to be made compulsory. Where a hundred pounds had been spent before, thousands might now be applied for precisely the same purpose.

The Opposition were in ecstacies; but Mr. Dixon and Mr. Richard warned the Government of the feeling which would be aroused in the country. The Executive declared the Bill to be an aggravation of the evils complained of. It was a further concession to denominationalism, and its pauperising influence would be a national calamity. The Guardians of Birmingham, Manchester, Sheffield, and many large towns condemned it in the strongest terms. The Nonconformists refused to accept it as any alleviation of their grievances.

Just before the bill was introduced a vacancy had occurred in the representation of Bath. Captain Hayter, the Liberal candidate, had stated in his address that the Act required amendment, and had expressed the hope that Mr. Forster's promised bill would prove satisfactory. But

when it appeared he carefully avoided any reference to its provisions; and the local wire pullers, who were anxious to secure every vote, were cautious not to introduce any element of discord. But while the disappointment was fresh and keen, Mr. Paynter Allen, who was one of the confidential agents of the League, was instructed to visit Bath, to · ascertain Captain Hayter's views, and to obtain his support for Mr. Dixon's bill. This was not an isolated proceeding on the part of the League. It had been the habit of the Committee to "interview" Liberal candidates; and, on several occasions, active support or opposition had been given to particular nominations. In some of the bye elections, . which had recently occurred, the League had made its power respected by the Whig element of the party.

The Liberal candidate for Bath, acting probably under the advice of his Committee, excused himself from seeing the agent of the League. The local leaders of the party took very high ground; though one which, under ordinary circumstances, would have been reasonable enough. They were committed to Captain Hayter, whatever his opinions might be; they were in the thick of the fight; and they were indisposed to allow, if they could prevent it, any side influences to come into operation. Most of them were Nonconformists and were wholly at one with the League in principle. But it is noticeable that while Dissenters will go to a Conference and pass resolutions with acclamation not to support candidates opposed to their views; yet when the practical issue has to be tried, and the party has to be transfixed for its own good, they generally find local reasons why their own particular constituency should not be selected as the worthless object for the experiment. In this instance they denied the right of the League to make any requisition on the subject of their candidate's opinions.

In this conjunction the officers invited Mr. J. C. Cox,