In October Mr. Bright came to Birmingham to censure the Act, and in November Mr. Forster went to Liverpool to defend it. In this hopeless muddle and confusion of counsel there could be nothing but discouragement before the party, and no wonder the Tories won the elections. How greatly the Liberals were broken and disheartened was shown when the dissolution came. But while the Liberals were losing the Parliamentary contests, they were winning all round in the School Board elections, which came on again in the autumn of this year. However disunited and demoralised in regard to Parliamentary policy, they were compact enough for other purposes, and having mastered the intricacies of the cumulative vote, they were in most cases able to reverse the decisions of three years back. In Birmingham a liberal majority was returned by a vast preponderance of votes. The candidates stood on the League platform of separate and voluntary religious teaching, and this plan was carried out in the Board Schools of the town during the next six years. A Religious Education Society was formed to give religious instruction. The teachers were volunteers and were admitted to the Board schools at certain hours in accordance with the timetable, to instruct the children whose parents wished them to attend. (1) The annual meeting this year was of a formal character, owing to the uncertainty respecting ministerial intentions. At an Executive meeting held at the close of the year it was decided to draw a more distinct line between the polemical and educational work of the League. With this object 1 The clergy, with a few exceptions, refused to take any share in this work, and owing to the insufficiency of teachers amongst the Dissenters it was but a partial success. The religious communities were forced to admit their inability or their disinclination to teach religion without state assistTo avoid a contest in 1879, it was agreed that the Bible should be read in the schools by the ordinary teachers without note or comment. ance. Mr. Dixon was asked to confine his bill to School Boards and compulsion only, while Mr. Candlish undertook the repeal of section 25. During the two years under review a vast amount of educational work was done by the members of the League, in connection with School Boards and the enforcement of attendance. Although this department of the work was not so prominently before the public, it was never lost sight of by the officers, and it constantly engaged the close attention of the staff. Amongst the publications of the year may be noticed "The Struggle for National Education," by Mr. John Morley, and Mr. Dale's articles in the Contemporary Review. Although a dissolution of Parliament had not been unexpected, its precise hour took everyone by surprise. Members and candidates were scattered abroad; constituencies were unprepared; plans were not matured, and were not differences were unreconciled. For a fortnight all was confusion and scramble, out of which came the Liberal party, a shattered wreck. It went into the contest, weakened, distracted, and divided. The main wing, composed of Dissenters, was suspicious and sullen. The Prime Minister's manifesto offered them no rallying ground. In regard to education he thought that "no main provision of the measure could advantageously be reconsidered without the aid of an experience such as we had not yet acquired." He also suggested that the uneasiness caused by one or two points was out of proportion to their importance or difficulty. He did not fairly estimate the temper of the Dissenters, and offered them, instead of principle the abolition of a tax. The chief issue in the election was the school or the publichouse. The Tories went for restricted education and unlimited king. With the latter they coupled religion, as a matter of course, and "Beer and Bible" made a telling election cry. The League took immediate action in the election. The address of the Prime Minister was taken as indicating a serious misapprehension of the gravity of the situation. The Executive asked that a national system of education should be made a distinct feature of the Liberal programme. The Branches were advised to press candidates for definite pledges on this head. The result was so far satisfactory that out of 425 English, Welsh, and Scotch candidates, 300 were pledged to the repeal of the 25th section, which was accepted by Liberals and Conservatives as the "symbol" of the controversy. In the new Parliament there was a large gain of members in favour of League principles. The results in particular constituencies were curious. Mr. Gladstone was again returned for Greenwich, but this time "as junior colleague to a gin distiller.” He would have been invited to stand for Manchester, but for the threatening attitude of the Nonconformists. In the The prominent members of the League had various fortunes. Mr. Dixon's seat was of course assured. But the Chairman of the Executive was defeated at Sheffield. selection of candidates there had been a test ballot between Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Allott, a popular local politician. It was decided in favour of the former, but Mr. Allott's supporters were disappointed at the result, and did not accept it with loyalty. This, coupled with the dissertion of the Whigs and Moderates, who looked upon Mr. Chamberlain as a firebrand, led to his defeat. This was the most serious blow which the League had sustained. Several other members of the Executive were unsuccessful, including Mr. Cox, Admiral Maxse, and Captain Sargeant. On the other hand Mr. Cowen, Sir Charles Dilke, Mr. Jenkins, and Mr. Pennington were returned. Mr. Candlish retired from the representation of Sunderland on account of failing health, and the charge of the 25th clause passed to Mr. Henry Richard. Mr. Forster was opposed by the Liberal Committee in Bradford, He was however ostentatiously and avowedly supported by the Conservatives, and with the aid of the Catholic vote, and a small proportion of Liberal votes, was returned at the head of the poll. Mr. Baines lost his seat for Leeds on account of his views on the Education question. In some twenty other constituences Liberal upholders of the 25th clause were beaten, owing mainly to the defection of the Nonconformists. It must be said however, that generally the Dissenters had the greatest difficulty in breaking away from their traditionary support of the Liberal party, and many obstinate adherents of the Government policy were sent back to Parliament from constituencies where the absence of the Dissenting vote could easily have turned the scale. The defeat of the Liberal party, calamitous as it proved in some respects, was not an unmixed evil. It has taught the country that no Government will be allowed to juggle with great principles with impunity. It also prepared the way for the re-union of the party on a more liberal basis, with more assured purposes, and with infinitely superior organisation. It is impossible also not to believe that the events recorded will have a marked influence on the educational and ecclesiastical legislation of the future. CHAPTER VIII. PERIOD FROM THE GENERAL ELECTION, 1874, TO PASSING OF LORD SANDON'S ACT, 1876, AND THE The THE political revolution which has been described threw upon the Executive the duty of reviewing their policy. change of Government found their work but half done. The object they had placed before themselves "the establishment of a system which should secure the education of every child in the country "—was far from being realized. The provisions made by the Liberal Government were incomplete, inefficient, and illusory. Securities were wanting for the instruction of half the children of the nation. Under such circumstances there could be no thought of relinquishing the purpose for which the League was instituted. There were, by common confession, great difficulties before the Committee, but they had to ask themselves in what manner and degree these had been increased by the defeat of the Whig party. During the election struggle the Tory leaders had accepted the defence of the denominational system as an integral part of the Conservative creed. But in this respect they did not differ from the Liberal Government which they followed. The League could be under no greater disadvantages now, than when it had had to contend against a coalition of Whigs and Tories. In one respect the committee were relieved from great embarrassment. They could no longer be accused of endangering the existence of a Liberal administration; and as a matter of choice it was far preferable to them to contend against avowed enemies rather than professed friends. They |