SCHOOLS FOR THE BLACKS IN GEORGIA.

The following account of the efforts to establish schools in Georgia since 1865 was prepared by Professor Vashon :

Among the many secret things brought to light by the opening of the southern prisonhouse, there was one at least which did not challenge the public regard by its atrocity, but rather by the evidence which it afforded of the futility of oppressive enactments in crushing out the soul's nobler aspirations. This was a schol for colored persons in Savannah, Georgia. For upwards of 30 years it had existed there, unsuspected by the slave power, aud sucessfully eluding the keen-eyed vigilance of its minions. Its teacher, a colored lady by the name of Deveaux, undeterred by any dread of penalties, throughout that long period silently pursued her labors in her native city, in the very same room that she still occupies; and she now has the satisfaction of knowing that numbers who are indebted to her for their early training are, in these more auspicious days, co-workers with her in the elevation of their common race. It is not a matter for surprise that a city favored with such an estab lishment as Miss Deveaux's should prove a field ripe for the harvesters, or that its colored residents should hail with appreciative joy the advent of a better time. Within a few days after the entrance of Sherman's army, in December, 1865, they opened a number of schools having an enrolment of 500 pupils, and contributed $1,000 for the support of teachers. In this spontaneous movement they were fortunate in having the advice and encouragement of the Rev. J. W. Alvord, then secretary of the Boston Tract Society, and of other friends who were with the invading forces. Two of the largest of these schools were in 'Bryant's Slave Mart ;" and thus the very walls which had, but a few days before. re-echoed with the anguish of bondmen put up for sale, now gave back the hushed but joyous murmurs of their children learning to read. In a very little while this effort attained to such a development as to compel an appeal for outside assistance. To the Macedonian cry, Come over and help us," the American Missionary Association and also the Boston and New York societies responded, both by sending additional teachers and by engaging to pay the salaries of those already on the ground. Schools were also established at Augusta, Macon, and other places thoughout the State; so that, at the close of the year, there were 69 schools in existence, with as many teachers, 43 of whom were colored, and with over 3,600 pupils in attendance.

The same spirit that prompted the negroes of Georgia to open these schools was still manifes ed by them in a continuance and enlargement of the good work. In January, 1866, they organized the Georgia Educational Association, whose object was to induce the freedmen to establish and support schools in their own counties and neighborhoods; and, in furtherance of this end, it provided for the formation of subordinate associations throughout the State. The purpose of its projectors was to act in harmony with agencies already in the field, with the educational officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, and with all other parties who were willing to assist them in the moral and mental culture of their race. Thus, they hoped, by this union of effort, to accomplish much immediate good, and to lay deeply and permia. nently the foundation of a system of public instruction which should, in time, place an edu cation within the reach of all the citizens of Georgia. The plan thus proposed met with an approving respouse from the people, and schools were rapidly opened in many counties of the State. In many quarters, however, great opposition was offered to this new order of things; and the newspapers, in alluding to the female teachers, would descend to the most abusive ribaldry. In frequent instances, too, this opposition did not stop short of nets of violence and outrage. During the year 1866 seven school buildings were destroyed by white incendiaries; and, at a number of points, teachers were forced either to close their schools or to appeal to the bureau for protection. In the following year, however, Mr. G. L. Eberhart, the State superintendent of education under the bureau, reported a wonderful chauge in this matter, in the following words: "At the beginning of the current school year scarcely any white persons could be found who were willing to disgrace' themselves by 'teaching niggers; but, as times grew hard, and money and bread scarce, applications for employment became so numerous that I was obliged to prepare a printed letter with which

to answer them. Lawyers, physicians, editors, ministers, and all classes of white people applied for employment; and while a few by their letters evinced only tolerable qualifications --none of them first class-a vast majority were unable to write grammatically or to spell the most simple and common words in our language correctly. Not a few appeared to think that anybody can teach niggers."" This change in popular sentiment rendered it possible to establish schools to a much greater extent in the country districts; and the result was that at the close of the school year, in 1867, 191 day schools and 45 night schools were reported as existing. Of these schools 96 were supported either wholly or in part by freedmen, who also owned 57 of the school buildings. The poverty which had contributed so much towards diminishing the prejudices of the white residents, had, on the other hand, an unfavorable effect on the prosperity of the schools. Through its pressure many of the subordinate societies ceased to exist, and the schools supported by them were discontinued; and as the northern associations deemed it to be the better policy to confine their work to the cities in the training of prospective teachers, the rural districts suffered somewhat, and the exhibit of schools for 1868 was about 100 less than in the preceding year. Some compensation for this, however, was found in the establishment by the American Missionary Association of three permanent institutions of a higher grade, with brief notices of which this sketch shall be closed.

THE GEORGIA UNIVERSITY, ATLANTA.

Early in the year 1867 the Georgia University was incorporated, $10,000 having been contributed from the educational fund of the Freedmen's Bureau towards establishing its normal department. A desirable tract of land, consisting of 53 acres within the city limits, and known as Diamond Hill, was purchased and two brick buildings erected thereon. These are to be used as dormitories, after the completion of the main edifice, which it is the intention of the trustees to put up at as early a date as their means will permit.

THE BEACH institute, SAVANNAH.

The Beach Institute, at Savannah, was established in 1867, and was thus named in honor of Alfred E. Beach, esq., editor of the Scientific American, who generously donated the means for purchasing the lot upon which it stands; and it is a neat and substantial frame structure, erected by the Freedmen's Bureau at a cost of $13,000. This building, which rests upon brick foundations, is 55 feet by 60 feet, and has, at the north and south ends, two Ls, each 10 feet by 35 feet. On the first floor are four large school-rooms, all of which can be converted into one when desired, by means of sliding doors and windows. Four other school-rooms and an ante-room are on the second floor. All of these rooms have high ceilings, and are well lighted, and furnished with substantial desks, seats, black-boards, &c. A staircase at each end furnishes ready egress from the upper story. On the east side of this building stands the "Teachers' Home," a neat and comfortably arranged two-story frame house, erected by the association at a cost of $3,000. There are 600 pupils in the institution, which is under the charge of Mr. O. W. Dimick, assisted by nine female teachers, eight of whom are white and one colored.

THE LEWIS SCHOOL, MACON.

The Lewis School, at Macon, was dedicated, with appropriate exercises, to God, and to the Christian education of the freed people of Georgia, on the 26th day of March, 1866. It is named in honor of General John R. Lewis, inspector of the Freedmen's Bureau, and is a handsome two-story building 80 feet long by 60 in width, affording accommodations for over 500 pupils. The school rooms are neatly finished with Georgia pine, and furnished with cherry desks, and all the other most approved modern educational appliances. With a corps of teachers, intelligent, refined, and thoroughly capable, there is no doubt that the Lewis School will justly continue to be, as it is now the pride of its founders and of the colored people of Macon.

Out of a total population of 1,711,951 in 1860 there were returned 7,628 free colored inhabi tants. By the constitution of 1847 the right of suffrage is restricted to white male citizens, and the benefits of the school law are by implication extended exclusively to children of white parents. Hon. Newton Bateman, in his exhaustive, elaborate, and every way excellent report as superintendent of public instruction, submitted to the governor December 15, 1868, introduces the subject of schools for the colored population, as follows:

"The number of colored persons in the State under 21 years of age, as reported for 1867, was 8,962, and the number reported for 1868 was 9,781. The number between the ages of 6 and 21 years, or of lawful school age, was in 1867, 5,492, and in 1868 the number of schoolgoing colored children reported in the State was 6,210.

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"I have made every effort to obtain reliable statistics in respect to this element of our popu lation, but there is good reason to believe that the actual number of colored persons in the State is much greater than is exhibited in the above statement. As children of color are not included in the numerical basis upon which either the county superintendent or the township trustees apportion the school fund, there is no special or pecuniary motive to care and diligence in taking this census, as there is in taking that of white children, as previously shown. Indifference and other causes have also operated, in some portions of the State, to prevent a faithful effort to collect and report the desired information in regard to these people. Taking the figures as reported and comparing them, it will be seen that the number of colored persous under 21 has increased 1,565, or over 18 per centum, in the last two years; and that the number between 6 and 21 has increased 1,279, or 26 per centum. I have no doubt that the actual number of colored children in the State, between 6 and 21, is at least 7,000, and probably more. Indeed this is demonstrated from the statistics which are given. The number under 21 reported is 9,781. Of these, the number under six must be deducted. The ratio of 6 to 21 is two-sevenths; hence, the number between 6 and 21 should be very nearly five-sevenths of the whole number under 21; but five-sevenths of 9.781 is 6.987, being an inconsiderable fraction under 7,000. While, for reasons previously given, the number reported as under 21 is undoubtedly too small, yet, being more easily taken than the number between 6 and 21, it is no doubt the more nearly correct of the two. At all events, it is not too large, and if there are 9,731 colored people in the State under 21, it is absolutely certain that there are not less than 7,000 between 6 and 21, being a little less than one per centum of the number of white children between the same ages.'

"In remarking upon the condition of these people in respect to school privileges, in the last biennial report, the following language was used: For the education of these 6,000 colored children the general school law of the State makes, virtually, no provision. By the discriminating terms employed throughout the statute, it is plainly the intention to exclude them from a joint participation in the benefits of the free school system. Except as referred to by the terins which imply exclusion, and in one brief section of the act, they are wholly

ignored in all the common school legislation of the State. The purport of that one section (the 80th) is that the amount of all school taxes collected from persons of color shall be paid back to them; it does not say what use shall be made of the money so refunded, although the intention (if there was any) may be presumed to be that it should be used for separate schools for colored children. But if that was the object it has not been attained, except in a few instances, for two reasons: first, the school taxes paid by persons of color are not generally returned to them; and, second, even when they are refunded, there are not colored children enough, except in a few places, to form separate schools. In some of the cities and larger towns, where the schools are under special acts and municipal ordinances, the education of colored children is provided for in a manner worthy a just and Christian people; and in many other instances the requirements of the law are faithfully observed, and the efforts of the colored people to provide schools for their children are heartily seconded. But the larger portion of the aggregate number of colored people in the State are dispersed through the different counties and school districts, in small groups of one, two, or three families, not enough to maintain separate schools for themselves, even with the help of the pittance paid for school taxes by such of them as are property holders. This whole dispersed class of our colored population are without the means of a common school education for their children; the law does not contemplate their co-attendance with white children, and they are without recourse of any kind. I think it safe to say that at least one-half of the 6,000 colored children, between the ages of 6 and 21, are in this helpless condition with respect to schools. They are trying, by conventions, petitions, and appeals, to reach the ears and hearts of the representatives of the people and the law-making power of the State, to see if anything can be done for them. I have tried to state their case; I think it is a hard one. I commend the subject to the attention of the general assembly, as demanding a share of public regard.'

"I desire again to call attention to the fact that, as I understand the law, those people are excluded from all participation in the benefits of the public schools, except by common consent, or as a matter of sufferance. The recurrence throughout the statute of the restrictive word 'white' leaves no 100m for doubt that it was the intention to provide for the education of white children only, in the free schools of the State, and upon this principle the school law has been interpreted, and the system administered, from the first. I approve the resolution adopted by the State Teachers' Association, that the distinctive word "white," in the school law and the 80th section of the same, are contrary to the true intent of the principle on which the school system is based, and should be repealed.' I regard the longer presence in the school law of this great and free commonwealth, of provisions which now exclude 7,000 children of lawful school age from all the blessings of public education, and which, if not repealed, will continue to exclude them and the thousands which may hereafter be added to the number, as alike impolitic and unjust; the opprobium and shame of our otherwise noble system of free schools. No State can afford to defend or perpetuate such provisions, and least of all the State that holds the dust of the fingers that wrote the proclamation of January 1, 1863. Let us expunge this last remaining remnant of the unchristian black laws' of Illinois and proclaim in the name of God and the Declaration of Independence, that all the school-going children of the State, without distinction, shall be equally entitled to share in the rich provisions of the free school system. Nor need any one be scared by the phantom of blended colors in the same school-room. The question of co-attendance, or of separate schools, is an entirely separate and distinct one, and may safely be left to be determined by the respective districts and communities to suit themselves. In many places there will be but one school for all; in many others there will be separate schools. That is a matter of but little importance, and one which need not and cannot be regulated by legislation. Only drive the spirit of caste from its intrenchments in the statute, giving all equal educational rights under the law, and the consequences will take care of themselves."

COLORED SCHOOLS IN CHICAGO.

From the following note of Mr. Packard, superintendent of public schools in Chicago, addressed to the State superintendent of public instruction in Indiana, it appears that the experiment of a separate school for the colored children was tried without satisfactory results. Why the school was abolished by the legislature does not appear:

For one year, 1864 and 1865, the experiment of a separate colored school was tried. The school was disorderly and much trouble existed in the vicinity of the school. The legis lature in 1864-5 abolished this school, and since that time colored children have been admitted to the public schools on an equality with other children. Not a word of complaint has come, with perhaps one or two individual exceptions, arising from seating pupils-a matter which is easily remedied. Colored children are admitted to our high school; one graduated last year; others will graduate this year. All difficulty with the children of color has disappeared, except such as may be common to all children who have had no better advantages than themselves; we certainly have less frequent complaints than in the separate system.

INDIANA.

By the census of 1860 the population of Indiana was 1,350,428, and of this number 11,428 were free colored; and towards this class a violent and persistent hostile legislation has been pursued from the earliest history of the State.

The constitution in 1851 provides that "no negro or mulatto shall have the right of suffrage" and after the date of its adoption, "no negro or mulatto shall come into or settle in the State," and "all contracts made with such persons are declared void ;" and "any person who shall employ such negro or mulatto, or otherwise encourage him to remain in the State, shall be fined in any sum not less than $10 nor more than $500, such fines to be appropriated to the colonization of such negroes as desire to leave the State." The general assembly are directed to pass laws to give effect to these provisions. The utterly un-American, uudemo cratic and unchristian character of these provisions has been frequently exposed, and particularly by the State superintendents of public instruction. Professor Hoss, in his report to the general assembly dated December 31, 1866, remarks:

"I am fully aware of the public sensitiveness on this subject. hence conscious of the difficulty of preventing it. If the time ever was in Indiana when it was hones ly believed, that the colored man could be kept out of the State by stringent legislation, that time has passed and that belief cannot exist now, unless in an illibe al or prejudiced mind. The severe logic of events proves the truth of this assertion. These events and agencies, such as the abolition of slavery, the enactment of the civil rights bill, the nullification of the 15th article of the constitution of Indiana, and the changed and changing tone of public sentiment concerning the colored man, are all of too recent a date and of too great a magnitude to require presentation here.

"Therefore, whereas it is clear, first, that the colored man is to remain with us. i e, in our State; second, that he is being, and is to be, clothed with new and larger powers of citizenship, it follows that he is becoming a greater force in both society and the State. Any force generated in, or injected into, the social or political organism at once suggests the necessity of guidance or control; uncontrolled, evil if not ruin will ensue. But in a popular government like ours, human force in the aspect now under consideration is most easily contro led for the good of society and the State when the party possessing and exerting such force is educated. The constitution of our State broadly and explicitly recognizes the above truth as applied to governments. The constitution holds the following: knowledge and learning generally diffused throughout a community, being essential (italicizing mine) to the preservation of a free government,' it becomes the duty of the legislature to provide a system of common schools and other means of securing popular intelligence, also to encourage moral, intellectual, and scientific improvement.'

Therefore, the above granted true, it follows that the welfare of the government, i. e., the State, requires the education of all the community, hence of the colored man. A nonsequitur can hardly be pleaded here by saying the negro is not a citizen. If such were true, it is not material to the argument, as the constitution speaks not narrowly of citizens only, but of members of community in general. Hence under the narrowest logic and most prejudiced definition of terms, the constitution includes the colored min as an element of that community throughout which knowledge and learning are to be diffused.' Therefore, the above true, the constitution seems clearly to contemplate the education of colored children. "But, granting the above all true, we are in the lower story of the argument, namely, among policies and expediencies, which look to the preservation of a free government.” none suppose that I do not regard this a great, a glorious object. It is both great and glorious, yet justice may be as great and glorious.

Let

“The question occurs, how far justice will sustain the State in closing, or at least refusing to open, the avenues of knowledge to the eager minds of several thousand members of the community.

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"Independent of recent events. I submit that these children are as clearly entitled to their share of the congressional township revenue as any children in the State. Congress in granting, this land did not use the now ambiguous term citizen,' but the plainer term inhabitant,' saying that section numbered 16 in every township shall be granted to the inhabitants of such township for the use of schools.' Consequently, every colored child resident of the State, being an inhabitaut' of some one of the congressional townships, is entitled to its pro rata of the congressional revenue of that township. "Second and higher, I suppose it will be granted that there are claims higher than the claims of mere inhabitancy, namely the claims of & human being as such. The claims of a colored man are the claims of a human being with human responsibilities, human aspirations, with human hopes and sympathies, and bearing as others bear, maried by sin, the image of his Creator. Hence both State policy and justice say that he should be educated. "Deference to the extreme sensitiveness of public opinion may say, wait for a more oppor tune time. If it be true that this be not the time, the time is coming, and coming surely if