wars. Meanwhile the French king, consulting his divines, and finding that this pretended consummation was rather an invention of court, than any ways valid by the laws of the church, went more really to work, and by secret instruments and cunning agents, as well matrons about the young lady as counsellors, first sought to remove the point of religion and honour out of the mind of the lady herself, wherein there was a double labour. For Maximilian was not only contracted unto the lady, but Maximilian's daughter was likewise contracted to king Charles. So as the marriage halted upon both feet, and was not clear on either side. But for the contract with king Charles, the exception lay plain and fair; for that Maximilian's daughter was under years of consent, and so not bound by law, but a power of disagreement left to either part. But for the contract made by Maximilian with the lady herself, they were harder driven: having nothing to allege, but that it was done without the consent of her sovereign lord king Charles, whose ward and client she was, and he to her in place of a father: and therefore it was void and of no force for want of such consent. Which defect, they said, though it would not evacuate a marriage after cohabitation and actual consummation; yet it was enough to make void a contract. For as for the pretended consummation, they made sport with it, and said: "That it was an argument that Maximilian was a widower, and a cold wooer, that could content himself to be a bridegroom by deputy, and would not make a little journey to put all out of question." So that the young lady, wrought upon by these reasons, finely instilled by such as the French king, who spared for no rewards or promises, had made on his side; and allured likewise by the present glory and greatness of king Charles, being also a young king, and a bachelor, and loth to make her country the seat of a long and miserable war; secretly yielded to accept of king Charles. But during this secret treaty with the lady, the better to save it from blasts of opposition and interruption, king Charles resorting to his wonted arts, and thinking to carry the marriage as he had carried the wars, by entertaining the king of England in vain belief, sent a solemn ambassage by Francis lord of Luxemburg, Charles Marignian, and Robert Gagvien, general of the order of the bons hommes of the Trinity, to treat a peace and league with the king; accoupling it with an article in the nature of a request, that the French king might with the king's good will, according unto his right of seigniory and tutelage, dispose of the marriage of the young duchess of Britain, as he should think good; offering by a judicial proceeding to make void the marriage of Maximilian by proxy. Also all this while, the better to amuse the world, he did continue in his court and custody the daughter of Maximilian, who formerly had been sent unto him, to be bred and educated in France; not dismissing or renvoying her, but contrariwise professing and giving out strongly that he meant to proceed with that match. And that for the duchess of Britain, he desired 3 c

VOL. I.

only to preserve his right of seigniory, and to give her in marriage to some such ally as might depend upon him.

When the three commissioners came to the court of England, they delivered their ambassage unto' the king, who remitted them to his council; where some days after they had audience, and made their proposition by the prior of the Trinity, who though he were third in place, yet was held the best speaker of them, to this effect.

"My lords, the king our master, the greatest and mightiest king that reigned in France since Charles the Great, whose name he beareth, hath nevertheless thought it no disparagement to his greatness at this time to propound a peace; yea, and to pray a peace with the king of England. For which purpose he hath sent us his commissioners, instructed and enabled with full and ample power to treat and conclude; giving us farther in charge, to open in some other business the secrets of his own intentions. These be indeed the precious love tokens between great kings, to communicate one with another the true state of their affairs, and to pass by nice points of honour, which ought not to give law unto affection. This I do assure your lordships; it is not possible for you to imagine the true and cordial love that the king our master beareth to your sovereign, except you were near him as we are. He useth his name with so great respect; he remembereth their first acquaintance at Paris with so great contentment; nay, he never speaks of him, but that presently he falls into discourse of the miseries of great kings, in that they cannot converse with their equals, but with servants. This affection to your king's person and virtues God hath put into the heart of our master, no doubt for the good of christendom, and for purposes yet unknown to us all. For other root it cannot have, since it was the same to the earl of Richmond, that it is now to the king of England. This is therefore the first motive that makes our king to desire peace and league with your sovereign: good affection, and somewhat that he finds in his own heart. This affection is also armed with reason of estate. For our king doth in all candour and frankness of dealing open himself unto you; that having an honourable, yea and an holy purpose, to make a voyage and war in remote parts, he considereth that it will be of no small effect, in point of reputation to his enterprise, if it be known abroad that he is in good peace with all his neighbour princes, and especially with the king of England, whom for good causes he esteemeth most.

"But now, my lords, give me leave to use a few words to remove all scruples and misunderstanding between your sovereign and ours, concerning some late actions; which if they be not cleared, may perhaps hinder this peace. To the end that for matters past neither king may conceive unkindness of other, nor think the other conceiveth unkindness of him. The late actions are two; that of Britain and that of Flanders. In both which it is true, that the subjects' swords of both kings have encountered and stricken, and the ways and inclinations also of

the two kings, in respect of their confederates and allies, have severed.

"For that of Britain, the king your sovereign knoweth best what hath passed. It was a war of necessity on our master's part. And though the motives of it were sharp and piquant as could be, yet did he make that war rather with an olive-branch, than a laurel-branch in his hand, more desiring peace than victory. Besides, from time to time he sent, as it were, blank papers to your king, to write the conditions of peace. For though both his honour and safety went upon it, yet he thought neither of them too precious to put into the king of England's hands. Neither doth our king on the other side make any unfriendly interpretation of your king's sending of succours to the duke of Britain; for the king knoweth well that many things must be done of kings for satisfaction of their people; and it is not hard to discern what is a king's own. But this matter of Britain is now, by the act of God, ended and passed; and, as the king hopeth, like the way of a ship in the sea, without leaving any impression in either of the kings' minds; as he is sure for his part it hath not done in his.

"For the action of Flanders; as the former of Britain was a war of necessity, so this was a war of justice; which with a good king is of equal necessity with danger of estate, for else he should leave to be a king. The subjects of Burgundy are subjects in chief to the crown of France, and their duke the homager and vassal of France. They had wont to be good subjects, howsoever Maximilian hath of late distempered them. They fled to the king for justice and deliverance from oppression. Justice he could not deny; purchase he did not seek. This was good for Maximilian, if he could have seen it in people mutinied, to arrest fury, and prevent despair. My lords, it may be this I have said is needless, save that the king our master is tender in any thing, that may but glance upon the friendship of England. The amity between the two kings, no doubt, stands entire and inviolate; and that their subjects' swords have clashed, it is nothing unto the public peace of the crowns; it being a thing very usual in auxiliary forces of the best and straitest confederates to meet and draw blood in the field. Nay many times there be aids of the same nation on both sides, and yet it is not, for all that, a kingdom divided in itself. "It resteth, my lords, that I impart unto you a matter, that I know your lordships all will much rejoice to hear; as that which importeth the christian common weal more, than any action that hath happened of long time. The king our master hath a purpose and determination to make war upon the kingdom of Naples; being now in the possession of a bastard slip of Arragon, but appertaining unto his Majesty by clear and undoubted right; which if he should not by just arms seek to recover, he could neither acquit his honour nor answer it to his people. But his noble and christian thoughts rest not here: for his resolution and hope is, to make the reconquest of Naples but as a bridge to transport his forces into Grecia; and not to spare blood or treasure, if it were to the impawning of his crown, and

dispeopling of France, till either he hath overthrown the empire of the Ottomans, or taken it in his way to paradise. The king knoweth well, that this is a design that could not arise in the mind of any king, that did not stedfastly look up unto God, whose quarrel this is, and from whom cometh both the will and the deed. But yet is agreeable to the person that he beareth, though unworthy, of the thrice christian king and the eldest son of the church. Whereunto he is also invited by the example, in more ancient time, of king Henry the fourth of England, the first renowned king of the house of Lancaster; ancestor, though not progenitor to your king; who had a purpose towards the end of his time, as you know better, to make an expedition into the Holy Land; and by the example also, present before his eyes, of that honourable and religious war which the king of Spain now maketh, and hath almost brought to perfection, for the recovery of the realm of Granada from the Moors. And although this enterprise may seem vast and unmeasured, for the king to attempt that by his own forces, wherein heretofore a conjunction of most of the christian princes hath found work enough; yet his Majesty wisely considereth, that sometimes smaller forces being united under one command, are more effectual in proof, though not so promising in opinion and fame, than much greater forces, variously compounded by associations and leagues, which commonly in a short time after their beginnings turn to dissociations and divisions. But, my lords, that which is as a voice from heaven, that calleth the king to this enterprise, is a rent at this time in the house of the Ottomans. I do not say but there hath been brother against brother in that house before, but never any that had refuge to the arms of the christians, as now hath Gemes, brother unto Bajazet that reigneth, the far braver man of the two, the other being between a monk and a philosopher, and better read in the Alcoran and Averroes, than able to wield the sceptre of so warlike an empire. This therefore is the king our master's memorable and heroical resolution for an holy war. And because he carrieth in this the person of a christian soldier, as well as of a great temporal monarch, he beginneth with humility, and is content for this cause to beg peace at the hands of other christian kings. There remaineth only rather a civil request than any essential part of our negotiation, which the king maketh to the king your sovereign. The king, as all the world knoweth, is lord in chief of the duchy of Britain. The marriage of the heir belongeth to him as guardian. This is a private patrimonial right, and no business of estate; yet nevertheless, to run a fair course with your king, whom he desires to make another himself, and to be one and the same thing with him, his request is that with the king's favour and consent he may dispose of her in marriage, as he thinketh good, and make void the intruded and pretended marriage of Maximilian, according to justice. This, my lords, is all that I have to say, desiring your pardon for my weakness in the delivery."

Thus did the French ambassadors with great show of their king's affection, and many sugared words,

seek to addulce all matters between the two kings, having two things for their ends; the one to keep the king quiet till the marriage of Britain was past; and this was but a summer fruit, which they thought was almost ripe, and would be soon gathered. The other was more lasting; and that was to put him into such a temper, as he might be no disturbance or impediment to the voyage for Italy. The lords of the council were silent; and said only, "That they knew the ambassadors would look for no answer, till they had reported to the king;" and so they rose from council. The king could not well tell what to think of the marriage of Britain. He saw plainly the ambition of the French king was to impatronize himself of the duchy; but he wondered he would bring into his house a litigious marriage, especially considering who was his successor. But weighing one thing with another he gave Britain for lost; but resolved to make his profit of this business of Britain, as a quarrel for war; and that of Naples, as a wrench and mean for peace; being well advertised, how strongly the king was bent upon that action. Having therefore conferred divers times with his council, and keeping himself somewhat close, he gave a direction to the chancellor, for a formal answer to the ambassadors, and that he did in the presence of his council. And after calling the chancellor to him apart, bad him speak in such language, as was fit for a treaty that was to end in a breach; and gave him also a special caveat, that he should not use any words to discourage the voyage of Italy. Soon after the ambassadors were sent for to the council, and the lord chancellor spake to them in this sort:

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My lords ambassadors, I shall make answer, by the king's commandment, unto the eloquent declaration of you, my lord prior, in a brief and plain manner. The king forgetteth not his former love and acquaintance with the king your master: but of this there needeth no repetition. For if it be between them as it was, it is well; if there be any alteration, it is not words that will make it up.

"For the business of Britain, the king findeth it a little strange that the French king maketh mention of it as a matter of well deserving at his hand: for that deserving was no more but to make him his instrument to surprise one of his best confederates. And for the marriage, the king would not meddle with it, if your master would marry by the book, and not by the sword.

"For that of Flanders, if the subjects of Burgundy had appealed to your king as their chief lord, at first by way of supplication, it might have had a show of justice: but it was a new form of process, for subjects to imprison their prince first, and to slay his officers, and then to be complainants. The king saith, That sure he is, when the French king and himself sent to the subjects of Scotland, that had taken arms against their king, they both spake in another style, and did in princely manner signify their detestation of popular attentates upon the person or authority of princes. But, my lords ambassadors, the king leaveth these two actions thus: that on the one side he hath not received any manner of satis

faction from you concerning them; and on the other, that he doth not apprehend them so deeply, as in respect of them to refuse to treat of peace, if other things may go hand in hand. As for the war of Naples, and the design against the Turk: the king hath commanded me expressly to say, that he doth wish with all his heart to his good brother the French king, that his fortunes may succeed according to his hopes and honourable intentions. whensoever he shall hear that he is prepared for Grecia, as your master is pleased now to say that he beggeth a peace of the king, so the king will then beg of him a part in that war.

And

"But now, my lords ambassadors, I am to propound unto you somewhat on the king's part: the king your master hath taught our king what to say and demand. You say, my lord prior, that your king is resolved to recover his right to Naples, wrongfully detained from him. And that if he should not thus do, he could not acquit his honour, nor answer it to his people. Think, my lords, that the king our master saith the same thing over again to you touching Normandy, Guienne, Anjou, yea, and the kingdom of France itself. I cannot express it better than in your own words. If therefore the French king shall consent, that the king our master's title to France, at least tribute for the same, be handled in the treaty, the king is content to go on with the rest, otherwise he refuseth to treat."

The ambassadors, being somewhat abashed with this demand, answered in some heat: That they doubted not, but the king their sovereign's sword would be able to maintain his sceptre: and they assured themselves, he neither could nor would yield to any diminution of the crown of France either in territory or regality: but, howsoever, they were too great matters for them to speak of, having no commission. It was replied, that the king looked for no other answer from them, but would forthwith send his own ambassadors to the French king. There was a question also asked at the table; whether the French king would agree to have the disposing of the marriage of Britain with an exception and exclusion, that he should not marry her himself? To which the ambassadors answered; That it was so far out of their king's thoughts, as they had received no instructions touching the same. Thus were the ambassadors dismissed, all save the prior; and were followed immediately by Thomas, earl of Ormond, and Thomas Goldenston, prior of ChristChurch in Canterbury, who were presently sent over into France. In the mean space, Lionel, bishop of Concordia, was sent as nuncio from pope Alexander the sixth to both kings, to move a peace between them. For pope Alexander, finding himself pent and locked up by a league and association of the principal states of Italy, that he could not make his way for the advancement of his own house which he immoderately thirsted after, was desirous to trouble the waters in Italy, that he might fish the better; casting the net, not out of St. Peter's, but out of Borgia's bark. And doubting lest the fears from England might stay the French king's voyage into Italy, despatched this bishop, to compose all matters

between the two kings, if he could: who first repaired to the French king, and finding him well inclined, as he conceived, took on his journey towards England, and found the English ambassadors at Calais, on their way towards the French king. After some conference with them, he was in honourable manner transported over into England, where he had audience of the king. But notwithstanding he had a good ominous name to have made a peace, nothing followed: for in the mean time the purpose of the French king to marry the duchess, could be no longer dissembled. Wherefore the English ambassadors, finding how things went, took their leave, and returned. And the prior also was warned from hence to depart out of England. Who when he turned his back, more like a pedant than an ambassador, dispersed a bitter libel, in Latin verse, against the king; unto which the king, though he had nothing of a pedant, yet was content to cause an answer to be made in like verse; and that as speaking in his own person, but in a style of scorn and sport. About this time also was born the king's second son Henry, who afterwards reigned. And soon after followed the solemnization of the marriage between Charles and Anne duchess of Britain, with whom he received the duchy of Britain as her dowry, the daughter of Maximilian being a little before sent home. Which when it came to the ears of Maximilian, who would never believe it till it was done, being ever the principal in deceiving himself, though in this the French king did very handsomely second it, in tumbling it over and over in his thoughts, that he should at one blow, with such a double scorn, be defeated, both of the marriage of his daughter and his own, upon both which he had fixed high imaginations, he lost all patience, and casting off the respects fit to be continued between great kings, even when their blood is hottest, and most risen, fell to bitter invectives against the person and actions of the French king. And, by how much he was the less able to do, talking so much the more, spake all the injuries he could devise of Charles, saying: That he was the most perfidious man upon the earth, and that he had made amarriage compounded between an advowtry and a rape; which was done, he said, by the just judgment of God; to the end that, the nullity thereof being so apparent to all the world, the race of so unworthy a person might not reign in France. And forthwith he sent ambassadors as well to the king of England, as to the king of Spain, to incite them to war, and to treat a league offensive against France, promising to concur with great forces of his own. Hereupon the king of England, going nevertheless his own way, called a parliament, it being the seventh year of his reign; and the first day of opening thereof, sitting under his cloth of estate, spake himself unto his lords and commons in this manner:

"My lords, and you the commons, when I purposed to make a war in Britain, by my lieutenant, I made declaration thereof to you by my chancellor. But now that I mean to make a war upon France in person, I will declare it to you myself. That war was to defend another man's right, but this is

to recover our own; and that ended by accident, but we hope this shall end in victory.

"The French king troubles the christian world: that which he hath is not his own, and yet he seeketh more. He hath invested himself of Britain: he maintaineth the rebels in Flanders: and he threateneth Italy. For ourselves, he hath proceeded from dissimulation to neglect; and from neglect to contumely. He hath assailed our confederates: he denieth our tribute: in a word, he seeks war: so did not his father, but sought peace at our hands; and so perhaps will he, when good counsel or time shall make him see as much as his father did.

"Meanwhile, let us make his ambition our advantage; and let us not stand upon a few crowns of tribute or acknowledgment, but, by the favour of Almighty God, try our right for the crown of France itself; remembering that there hath been a French king prisoner in England, and a king of England crowned in France. Our confederates are not diminished. Burgundy is in a mightier hand than ever, and never more provoked. Britain cannot help us, but it may hurt them. New acquests are more burden than strength. The malecontents of his own kingdom have not been base, popular, nor titulary impostors, but of a higher nature. The king of Spain, doubt ye not, will join with us, not knowing where the French king's ambition will stay. Our holy father the pope likes no Tramontanes in Italy. But howsoever it be, this matter of confederates is rather to be thought on than reckoned on. For God forbid but England should be able to get reason of France without a second.

"At the battles of Cressy, Poictiers, Agencourt, we were of ourselves. France hath much people, and few soldiers. They have no stable bands of foot. Some good horse they have; but those are forces which are least fit for a defensive war, where the actions are in the assailant's choice. It was our discords only that lost France; and, by the power of God, it is the good peace which we now enjoy, that will recover it. God hath hitherto blessed my sword. I have, in this time that I have reigned, weeded out my bad subjects, and tried my good. My people and I know one another, which breeds confidence: and if there should be any bad blood left in the kingdom, an honourable foreign war will vent it or purify it. In this great business let me have your advice and aid. If any of you were to make his son knight, you might have aid of your tenants by law. This concerns the knighthood and spurs of the kingdom, whereof I am father; and bound not only to seek to maintain it, but to advance it: but for matter of treasure let it not be taken from the poorest sort, but from those to whom the benefit of the war may redound. France is no wilderness; and I, that profess good husbandry, hope to make the war, after the beginnings, to pay itself. together in God's name, and lose no time; for I have called this parliament wholly for this cause.”

Go

Thus spake the king; but for all this, though he showed great forwardness for a war, not only to his parliament and court, but to his privy council likewise, except the two bishops and a few more,

yet nevertheless in his secret intentions he had no purpose to go through with any war upon France. But the truth was, that he did but traffic with that war, to make his return in money. He knew well that France was now entire and at unity with itself, and never so mighty many years before. He saw by the taste that he had of his forces sent into Britain, that the French knew well enough how to make war with the English, by not putting things to the hazard of a battle, but wearing them by long sieges of towns, and strong fortified encampings. James the third of Scotland, his true friend and confederate, gone; and James the fourth, that had succeeded, wholly at the devotion of France, and ill affected towards him. As for the conjunctions of Ferdinando of Spain and Maximilian, he could make no foundation upon them. For the one had power, and not will; and the other had will, and not power. Besides that, Ferdinando had but newly taken breath from the war with the Moors; and merchanded at this time with France for the restoring of the counties of Russignon and Perpignian, oppignorated to the French. Neither was he out of fear of the discontents and ill blood within the realm; which having used always to repress and appease in person, he was loth they should find him at a distance beyond sea, and engaged in war. Finding therefore the inconveniences and difficulties in the prosecution of a war, he cast with himself how to compass two things. The one, how by the declaration and inchoation of a war to make his profit. The other, how to come off from the war with the saving of his honour. For profit, it was to be made two ways; upon his subjects for the war, and upon his enemies for the peace; like a good merchant, that maketh his gain both upon the commodities exported, and imported back again. For the point of honour, wherein he might suffer for giving over the war; he considered well, that as he could not trust upon the aids of Ferdinando and Maximilian for supports of war; so the impuissance of the one, and the double proceeding of the other, lay fair for him for occasions to accept of peace. These things he did wisely foresee, and did as artificially conduct, whereby all things fell into his lap as he desired.

For as for the parliament, it presently took fire, being affectionate, of old, to the war of France; and desirous afresh to repair the dishonour they thought the king sustained by the loss of Britain. Therefore they advised the king, with great alacrity, to undertake the war of France. And although the parliament consisted of the first and second nobility, together with principal citizens and townsmen, yet worthily and justly respecting more the people, whose deputies they were, than their own private persons, and finding by the lord chancellor's speech the king's inclination that way; they consented that commissioners should go forth for the gathering and levying of a benevolence from the more able sort. This tax, called a benevolence, was devised by Edward the fourth, for which he sustained much envy. It was abolished by Richard the third by act of parliament, to ingratiate himself with the people; and it was now revived by the

king, but with consent of parliament, for so it was not in the time of king Edward the fourth. But by this way he raised exceeding great sums. Insomuch as the city of London, in those days, contributed nine thousand pounds and better; and that chiefly levied upon the wealthier sort. There is a tradition of a dilemma, that bishop Morton the chancellor used, to raise up the benevolence to higher rates; and some called it his fork, and some his crotch. For he had couched an article in the instructions to the commissioners who were to levy the benevolence; "That if they met with any that were sparing, they should tell them, that they must needs have, because they laid up and if they were spenders, they must needs have, because it was seen in their port and manner of living." So neither kind came amiss.

This parliament was merely a parliament of war; for it was in substance but a declaration of war against France and Scotland, with some statutes conducing thereunto: as the severe punishment of mort-pays, and keeping back of soldiers' wages in captains; the like severity for the departure of soldiers without licence; strengthening of the common law in favour of protections for those that were in the king's service; and the setting the gate open or wide for men to sell or mortgage their lands, without fines for alienation, to furnish themselves with money for the war; and lastly, the voiding of all Scottish men out of England. There was also a statute for the dispersing of the standard of the exchequer throughout England; thereby to size weights and measures; and two or three more of less importance.

After the parliament was broken up, which lasted not long, the king went on with his preparations for the war of France; yet neglected not in the mean time the affairs of Maximilian for the quieting of Flanders, and restoring him to his authority | amongst his subjects. For at that time the lord of Ravenstein, being not only a subject rebelled, but a servant revolted, and so much the more malicious and violent, by the aid of Bruges and Gaunt, had taken the town and both the castles of Sluice; as we said before: and having, by the commodity of the haven, gotten together certain ships and barks, fell to a kind of piratical trade; robbing and spoiling, and taking prisoners the ships and vessels of all nations, that passed along that coast towards the mart of Antwerp, or into any part of Brabant, Zealand, or Friezeland; being ever well victualled from Picardy, besides the commodity of victuals from Sluice, and the country adjacent, and the avails of his own prizes. The French assisted him still underhand; and he likewise, as all men do that have been of both sides, thought himself not safe, except he depended upon a third person.

There was a small town some two miles from Bruges towards the sea, called Dam; which was a fort and approach to Bruges, and had a relation also to Sluice.

This town the king of the romans had attempted often, not for any worth of the town in itself, but because it might choke Bruges, and cut it off from