mittee, and the acting Chairman of the League, and as such was chiefly responsible in originating and conducting its policy in the country. In this department he was earnestly seconded by Mr. Collings, the honorary secretary. For the general policy, all the Officers were jointly responsible, under the direction of the Executive. As a matter of convenience and efficiency however, it was found advisable to place an Officer at the head of each department of work. Mr. Bunce was Chairman of the Publishing Committee, and in that capacity he had not only the supervision of all the publications, the variety and extent of which were great; but he drew up most of the important circulars which were issued to the members and branch committees, and to the parliamentary supporters of the League. Mr. Martineau, as chairman of the Branches Committee, undertook to overlook and direct the local organisations, a post involving a great amount of correspondence, investigation, and advice. Mr. Harris was chairman of the Parliamentary Committee and Mr. Clarke of the Finance Committee; positions which involved a large amount of administrative labour, and often the decision of important matters of policy. Mr. Jaffray was treasurer for several years, and was succeeded in the post by Mr. Mathews. Meetings of the Officers' Committee were held always twice a week, often more frequently, and as a rule one or more of the Officers attended at the central office daily. At the beginning of the agitation an immense amount of public speaking was thrown upon the Officers. But in that branch of the work they were greatly relieved by the assistance of Mr. J. H. Chamberlain, Mr. Sam. Timmins, Mr. Dale, Mr. Dawson, Mr. Vince, Mr. Zincke, Mr. Herbert, and other members of the Executive.

This notice of the personal services which were rendered to the League is necessarily most imperfect. There were at every local branch, members who were working in their districts with the same degree of earnestness and disinterested

ness-the mere record of whose names would fill many pages. But in mentioning those who took a prominent share in the agitation, it is impossible to overlook the services of Mr. Steinthal, who undertook the organisation of the Manchester district, and who with the assistance of Mr. Winkworth of Bolton, Mr. Dowson of Hyde, and others, induced the people of Lancashire to take a part in the work worthy of the fame of the foremost educational county of England.

An idea of the progress made by the League, and of the hold which its principles had taken on the public mind, may be obtained, if its position at the end of four months is considered. By the end of February the guarantee fund amounted to £60,000: there were in connection with the central office 113 branch committees in different towns, and many of these had local auxiliary committees in correspondence with them. Trade societies, representing a large section of the working population, had joined the League and subscribed to its funds. Nearly two hundred public meetings had been arranged from the central office, and nearly all of them had been attended by one of the Officers or members of the Executive. A quarter of a million copies of different publications had been put in circulation, including 7,000 copies of the Report of the general meeting, and 10,000 copies of Mr. Collings' Essay on American Common Schools. In December a monthly paper was started. This was continued during the existence of the League, and had an average circulation of about 20,000 copies.

In regard to the political constitution of the League, it was composed, without exception, so far as the author's knowledge goes, of members of the Liberal party. But all shades of religious opinion, except Roman Catholicism, were represented on the Committee and amongst the members. The first list of members comprises the names of four hundred clergymen and dissenting ministers, including many eminent

Liberal Churchmen, and the best known and most trusted Nonconformists.

The prophecy of Archdeacon Sandford, at the first meeting, was speedily fulfilled. Notwithstanding the strong religious element in the personal constitution of the League, it did not escape the charge of being animated by hostility to religion. If the authors of the accusation had contented themselves with saying that every liberal movement in the way of education must necessarily come into conflict, not so much with religion, as with the pretensions of the directors, professors, and exponents of theology, there might have been room for an admission, that the League came under the common indictment. It is hardly necessary to say that there was no foundation whatever for the charges that the Officers, the Executive, or or the members of the League were thinking of anything but the best way of getting children into school. But the success of the early operations gave alarm to the Church and the Conservatives. They saw, in fancy, their cherished preserves invaded, and their vested interests in danger. Two "Unions" were immediately started in opposition. One had its head quarters in Birmingham, the other in Manchester, the latter being the most prominent and representative. The avowed object, as expressed in authentic documents, was stated to be "To counteract the efforts of the Birmingham League, and others advocating secular training only, and the secularisation of our national institutions."

The new programmes were put forth under the sanction of a long array of Archbishops and Bishops, Dukes, Earls, and Tory Members of Parliament. While the League could hardly boast a Coronet, the "Unions" had very little else to boast of. Their lists were wholly uncontaminated by any association with popular institutions, or their representatives. They were Conservative organisations, as much as the League

was a Liberal and Democratic organisation. A feeble effort was made to relieve the aspect of Toryism by parading the names of Mr. Cowper-Temple, Mr. Baines-and some more doubtful Liberals, but it was not very successful. What is essentially to be noticed in regard to these Unions is that they were called into existence to obstruct and not to construct. But for the League they would never have been heard of, and education might have languished for another half century. The Bishop of Manchester, at one of the Union meetings, after referring to the educational destitution of the country, said, "Now to this educational destitution, without meaning to ignore the labours of the Manchester Education Aid Society, or of those gentlemen who have prepared the Manchester Committee Bill-I wish to give them all credit for what they have done, I think the Education League was the first to call, prominently, national attention; and I suppose if it had not been for the existence of the Education League, and the programme they put forth, this Education Union, which has assembled us here to-night, would have had no existence." (1)

It was into the arms of a Society thus constituted and originated, that Mr. Forster the Radical and Puritan precipitated himself, and attempted to drag after him the Liberal party.

The contest between the rival societies was conducted with much animation, and before the assembling of Parliament there was not a town of any importance in England where meetings or conferences had not been held. In Wales, also, the excitement was intense. These discussions had their natural effect upon the Government, and in January Mr. Forster, the Vice-President, announced their intention to bring in a bill.

Acting upon the resolution passed at the first meeting of members, the Executive Committee had prepared instructions 1 Report of Meeting, Free Trade Hall, 1870, 6.

for a League bill, and the draftsman had nearly completed his work. Early in the session, Mr. Dixon had expressed his intention to proceed with this measure, but on the announcement of the Government bill he consented to suspend action until the proposals of Ministers were made known. Great expectations had been raised amongst the people and the Nonconformists by the committal of the education question to the care of Mr. Forster. He was regarded as the Radical representative in the Ministry. He had been used to pride himself on his ultra-liberalism, and his alliance with the extreme section of the popular party. He had given for many years considerable attention to the subject, and had taken an active share in the agitation of the National Public School Association. He had also backed Mr. Bruce's bill in 1868, which was a Free School bill-the feature of an education programme dearest to Radicalism. There was another circumstance upon which the popular party founded their hopes-Mr. Bright was a member of the Cabinet. But, most unfortunately, before the education question came under the notice of Parliament, he had been attacked by the distressing illness which robbed the country of his services during this critical period.

The Government measure was submitted to the House on the 17th of February, 1870. Its author bespoke for it the favour of the House, divested from considerations of party. It was a bold request to make, remembering that this had been a critical question with all Ministers for forty years, and had kept alive the most intense and acrimonious divisions in the country. The demand that it should be suddenly raised above the region of passion, and feeling, and self interest, suggested to practical minds a political impossibility, and awakened amongst earnest Liberals a corresponding feeling of distrust. But although Mr. Forster was courageous, he