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interesting Latin journal, lately published at Oxford, amply proves his desire for unity, not always according to knowledge, on the principles of the primitive Church. Thus, for example, he writes under the date of January 1st, 1611:

'O great Ruler of the world, Thou hast given me a desire of directing my life according to Thy precepts; but when I inquire after Thy will, I am sometimes perplexed by the so widely differing tenets of men. It appears to me hard to account Thy ancient Church to have fallen into such perilous ignorance, that they who seek to be saved must now embrace an opposite belief. I see some defending, under the pretext of antiquity, the grossest errors; and others, while they avoid modern mistakes, who make everything new; together with abuses they condemn the use of many most holy institutions, and abrogate them by their own authority. I see that the authors of a necessary reformation agree among themselves so little, that one of them is held a wolf by the other. Christ Jesus, the very name of Thy primitive Church has the greatest weight with me; and I am persuaded that things approved by that, and in no wise contrary to Thy Holy Scripture, should not rashly be rejected or altered.'

On October 20th, 1611, he writes:

This day, I and my wife, with a part of our family, communicated in the Lord's Supper with the French Church. (He of course means the French Protestant congregation.) Thou knowest, Christ Jesus, what are my hesitations in this most sacred matter, and how much more I approve of the Anglican form. But I am led by a pious wish not entirely to abstain from communion with that Church. I see that I should thus be a stumblingblock to weaker brethren, from which may God preserve me. I seem to be able to say this with confidence; either the whole ancient Church thought wrongly of that benefit and mystery, or else those of our days grievously offend with respect to it. I beseech Thy Majesty, Eternal God, to heal the diseases of Thy Church, and to deliver those from scruples who seek to serve Thee with a pure mind.'

Again, October 31st, 1610:

'I was invited to-day to be present at the service for the consecration of two Scottish bishops and one archbishop. I observed the rites, and the imposition of hands, and the prayers. O God, how great was my pleasure! Do Thou, Lord Jesus, preserve this Church, and give a better mind to our Puritans, who deride such things.'

Yet, on the 19th of June in the next year, he says:

I was present to-day at the consecration of two bishops,'-that is, Giles Thompson of Gloucester and John Buckeridge of Rochester, and observed the very beautiful ceremonies, though the pomp was, perhaps, excessive.'

It is no wonder that a man who could thus see faults on all sides, and was worn out with the unceasing theological disputes of his time, should at length write, Nov. 21st, 1611:

'Lord Jesus, I am weary of living; my useless life is tedious. My former studies have been lost; those which I am now carrying on make me ashamed as a novice. On all sides is distress.'

After spending some time in London, Calixtus visited both Oxford and Cambridge; in the university libraries he spent a great part of his days. To the English court he had the easier

access, from the circumstance that Anne, queen of James I., was sister to Elizabeth, Duchess of Brunswick. It is related by one of his biographers, that our traveller used to affirm, in after years, My studies in ecclesiastical history owe more to English bishops and to English libraries, than to anything I ever learnt in Germany. Returning by way of Paris, where he became acquainted with the celebrated De Thou, he was deterred from visiting Italy, by the fear that one or two writings which he had already published against Roman Catholics might endanger his safety in that country. He therefore returned to Helmstädt, intending to devote himself to an academical life.

The first occurrence which gave him an European reputation happened shortly after his return. A young nobleman of Hildesheim, Ludolf von Klencke by name, was about to join the Roman Church. His mother, much distressed by this change of religion, persuaded her son that it was his duty to examine for himself what could be said by a Lutheran divine in disputation with his Roman advisers. He consented; Calixtus was named as the champion on one side, the Jesuit Augustinus Turrianus on the other. The dispute was held in the castle of Hämelschenburg, on the Weser; and Calixtus laid down these three theses as grounds of discussion:-1. Whatever the Roman pontiff determines is infallibly true; this is the foundation and first principle of the Popish religion, and it is false. 2. Whatever Holy Scripture teaches is infallibly true; this is the first principle and foundation of the orthodox and catholic religion, and it is true. 3. In those things which are clearly laid down in Scripture, all matters necessary to salvation are contained. The acts of this dispute were never published in the lifetime of Calixtus, who had given his word that they should not appear; they were printed at Helmstädt, after his death. Certainly, in their present form, they give the Lutheran Doctor the undoubted advantage; but it may not be altogether unfair to remember the fable of the man and the lion. Else there is no doubt that the Jesuits put forward a very incompetent advocate. Take this as an example:

' Turrianus. As if contraries could not be true at one and the same time.

'Calixtus. Sir, for God's sake, learn logic. Assertions absolutely contrary to each other may both be false at one and the same time, but never can, at one and the same time, both be true.

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Turrianus. You choose to pronounce this on your own authority. 'Calixtus. It is not I who say it, but right reason and all logicians without one exception; there is not a scholar who is ignorant of it.'

And the finale was as follows:

'Turrianus. I see that you are exceedingly vehement, to such a point as to neglect yourself and your own health; you would do wisely if you would

get over that vehemence, and strain your voice less; I wished to try what you would say, if I brought forward what I did.

'Calixtus. You know that we have not met about a jocular, but about a very serious matter. Nor is there any reason why you should try me as you would a pupil, whether I understand logic or not. I shall not learn it from you, seeing that I have myself taught it for several years. And to say truth, I have not discovered any great acquaintance with that art in yourself. But, with respect to your having in a matter of such great moment so boldly and constantly denied that which you know to be true, nay, which very boys know to be true,-I say that you have sinned against your conscience, and have offended God by a grievous sin, which He will follow by a grievous punishment, unless you repent from your heart.'

It seems, however, that whether our disputant maintained the field by force of logic or not, he finally routed his opponent by a stratagem, more ingenious than straightforward. In the course of the dispute he insisted on referring to the Hebrew text, and grounding his arguments on that alone. The Jesuit at once confessed himself to be but imperfectly acquainted with that language; and as the Lutheran insisted on his proposition, the colloquy was manifestly at an end. However, though the main point was lost-for the young nobleman joined the Church of Rome-Calixtus's reputation was made. He was rewarded by the Duke with a professorship in the university, and in 1615 he was received into the theological faculty, inaugurating his career with a thesis,-that kingdoms and states cannot safely coexist with the religion of Papists or Jesuits.

From the period of his obtaining the dignity of Professor, the reputation of Calixtus extended itself more and more widely throughout Germany. He married, in 1619, Catherine Gertner, the only event which, for some years, diversified his theological studies. Year after year, and one might almost say, month after month, he continued to pour forth a series of works, which it is wonderful that any one man could have found the time even to copy out. Thus, besides published letters, congratulatory poems and the like, and in addition to a number of treatises edited by him, he published one hundred and seven works in Latin and nine in German, besides leaving twenty-seven more ready for the press. It was his hard fate to be at once the most zealous labourer for the universal peace of Christendom and the author who, in a most polemical age, was under the necessity of composing the largest number of polemical treatises. A coinmon object of attack both to the Reformed and to Catholics, he was, perhaps, more bitterly hated by Lutherans than by either. Add to which, that he witnessed the greater part of the miseries of the thirty years' war; and that when, in 1625, the university was dispersed by that and by the pestilence, he alone of all the professors remained at his post; and it will be manifest that the end

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and aim of all his wishes, peace, was never removed further from any man than from him.

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It was early in his career that the outcry of Syncretism was raised against him by his Lutheran colleagues. A new faith, an unheard-of schism, a betrayal of truth, a contempt of the Lutheran communion, Philippism, Synergism, Crypto-Papism, Crypto-Calvinism, Mahometanism, Babelism, Samaritanism, Anti-Christianism, Libertinism, Neutralism, Indifferentism, Quodlibetic faith, and Atheism; all these charges were brought against him, in innumerable specimens of those little, fat, square quartos, in which the presses of Frankfort, Jena, and Leipsic then abounded. Theses, syntagmata, apologies, programmes, articles, memorials, were all hurled against him; partly by Calvinists, but principally by the rigid Lutherans, of whom Statius Buscher and John Hülsemann may stand as types.

Nothing could be more wearisome than to trace the course of all these controversies. Even the German patience of Dr. Hencke shrinks from the task; and yet even in the first, and as yet only published volume of his biography, the enumeration is long enough to try the patience of most readers to its extreme limit. The two great principles on which the whole theology of our doctor was founded were these: 1st, That the essential principles of Christianity were preserved inviolate in the three denominations of Christians, and were all contained in the Apostles' Creed. 2d, That the tenets which had been received by the whole Catholic Church during the first five centuries were to be considered as of equal weight with the express declarations of Holy Scripture. Whole books were filled with compositions extracted from the writings of Calixtus, and which were held up as heretical; the indefatigable Moller has collected fifty-one of these. Some of them are exceedingly curious, and make the Syncretism of our author approach that which is so widely spreading among us now; as for instance, that the Roman Pontiff held the primacy of dignity with respect to the whole Church, and a certain primacy of power, though only jure ecclesiastico, in the Western Church; that the invocation of saints was to a certain extent both lawful and expedient; that prayers for the dead were by no means to be forbidden; that between the day of death and that of judgment there is a middle state, the nature of which he did not pretend to define; that the number of Sacraments was neither defined by Scripture nor by universal tradition; that baptized infants were justified by the faith of the Church; that a certain degree of merit might be attributed to good works. So much for his endeavours to approach the Catholics; he was not less desirous

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of endeavouring to propitiate the Reformed. Thus he asserts that the Holy Eucharist may in a certain sense be named a mere commemoration of Christ's death; that S. Augustine's doctrine and that of Calvin were identical on the question of predestination; that God might be called improperly and per accidens the occasion of sin; (and, indeed, in the first edition of his Epitome Theologiæ,' he had worded the assertion still more offensively, writing was where he afterwards substituted might be called.) For these deflections both on one side and on the other from the Lutheran doctrine, the rigid Protestants fell upon him like a swarm of wasps. Abraham Calovius distinguished himself above the rest; Hülsemann, Dannhauer, and the Saxon divines were scarcely behind him. And it must never be forgotten that Lutheranism is the most intolerant of all religions that ever were invented: we have seen almost in our own times a Swedish preacher condemned to death and imprisoned for life, for having affirmed in the pulpit that good works might in a certain sense be called the cause of salvation. Nor, as was natural, did our doctor find a whit more favour in the eyes of Roman Catholics on account of his concessions. They perhaps were the more indignant because he openly espoused the cause, and borrowed some of the arguments, of Marc Antonio de Dominis, Archbishop of Spalato, whose varied career was sketched in a late number of the Christian Remembrancer. However that may be, Leo Allatius and Abraham Ecchelensis attacked him whenever they found an opportunity; his old pupil, Nihusius, whose reconciliation with Rome made a considerable stir, was one of his most venomous assailants. The Calvinists alone seem to have refrained from persecuting him, though he was certainly on fundamental points more widely at variance with them than with either of the other communions.

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His Epitome Theologiæ,' in 1619, was received with general applause: war and plague prevented him for some years after from bringing out any great work. In 1628 he took in hand a Summa Theologiæ; in 1629 he gave to the public a history of those heresies which concern the Incarnation (in which, by the way, he was himself accused of renewing the heresy of Elipandus). In 1631 he published a treatise on the marriage of clergy, in which, forgetting his usual moderation, he made no scruple about speaking of the Hildebrandine heresy;' and in 1634 he printed his Moral Theology.'

By this time the divines of Helmstädt were largely imbued with his own pacific spirit; and in consequence the mission of John Dury was warmly welcomed by himself and his colleagues. Passing over the labours of the next years, we come to

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