one of the most remarkable events in which Calixtus took a part, the Charitative Colloquy of Thorn.

It was about the same time at which Dury settled himself in England that another attempt at union had its origin in an entirely different quarter. There was one Bartholomew Nigranus, who had been pastor of the Reformed communion at Dantzic, and had afterwards joined the Roman Church; he thought that it might be possible, by means of a general conference, to bring the three religious bodies, Catholics, Lutherans, and Calvinists, into communion with each other. It would seem that his scheme did not extend to the Socinians, who, as is well known, abounded in Prussia and in Poland. It appears that Nigranus had formed his plan as early as 1636; but he had no means of interesting the King of Poland, then Ladislas IV., in his design till six years later. This monarch, himself a zealous Roman Catholic, nevertheless entertained the greatest hopes from the proposed conference. It could not meet as a council, nor a synod of any kind; it was a new thing, and therefore must have a new name; and the title chosen was that of a Charitative Colloquy.

In 1643 it happened that a provincial Synod of the Polish bishops met at Warsaw, under the presidency of Matthew Lubienski, Archbishop of Gnesen. The Primate embraced the opportunity of setting forth the practicability of the scheme originated by Nigranus; and a synodal letter was drawn up to those who dissent in points of faith from the Roman Catholic Church in the kingdom of Poland and the duchy of Lithuania, by which they are invited to a friendly congress and fraternal reconciliation at Thorn, in Prussia, on the 10th ' of October, 1644.' George Tyskievicz, Bishop of Samogitz, was to be president; and the base on which the colloquy was to be conducted, was to be Holy Scripture and the authority of the Primitive Church.

The Calvinists entertained no very great hopes of a real reconciliation. The Duke of Courland, however, and the Elector of Brandenburg, as vassals of the King of Poland, (the latter in respect of his duchy of Prussia,) assembled their divines at Orle; the result was a determination to be present at the conference if the king would defer its meeting till the next year. Ladislas, overjoyed that his Reformed subjects had so far consented to gratify him, altered the day to August 28th, 1645. In the meantime the Lutherans, the least important body of the three, had held their own assembly at Lesne, and were unanimous in determining to accept the invitation. At the appointed time the little town of Thorn was full to overflowing. The king appointed three presidents, George Tyskievicz as repre

senting the Roman Catholics, Zbigneus de Goray Gorayski, Lord of Chelm, for the Reformed, and Sigismund Guildenstern, Lord of Stume, for the Lutherans. Ladislas was himself represented by George de Tenczin, Chancellor of the kingdom. On the Roman side there were five-and-twenty theologians, some from each bishopric; their chief was George Schönhoff. The Reformed sent fifteen, of whom John Berg was nominal head; but to the surprise of every one, the chief management of their affairs was left to the Lutheran George Calixtus, incomparably the ablest man in the assembly. The Lutherans also sent fifteen divines, of whom John Hülsemann was the most celebrated. Other theologians afterwards joined the conference.

Before the proceedings commenced, a violent quarrel broke out between the Lutherans and the Reformed, the former insisting that Calixtus ought not to be present among the latter. Calixtus himself protested that he only agreed with his Calvinist associates in their opposition to Rome, and that his sole purpose in joining them was his earnest desire to promote Christian unity. Matters being thus accommodated, each party prepared for the first session.

At eight o'clock on the morning of August 28th, the Roman theologians attended a Mass of the Holy Ghost, celebrated pontifically by George Tyskievicz in the church of S. John Baptist. This finished, they repaired to the Town-hall, where they were the first to arrive. The Chancellor took his place in the middle of the upper end; on his right hand sat Tyskievicz, and by him in order the Catholic divines. The Reformed had met at the Gymnasium, whence, as soon as they heard that their opponents had already taken their places, they repaired to the scene of action under Goray Gorayski, and occupied the left hand of the President. The Lutherans were unfortunate in being compelled to forego the assistance of Guildenstern, laid up by a violent attack of gout. They came last, and contented themselves with the lowest place. George Calixtus, together with the divines of Elbing-one here sees the effects of John Dury's labours in that place-and those of Thorn, took up a separate position.

The Chancellor commenced by a speech, in which he set forth the piety of Ladislas, the advantages of Christian unity, the happy results which might be expected if the present proceedings could be continued as they had been begun, in a brotherly spirit, and the necessity of instituting some strict rules respecting the order and method of the conference. He next exhibited the letters patent, in virtue of which he assumed the office of President, and then read the royal injunctions which laid down the method to be pursued throughout the

proceedings. The regulations imposed by Ladislas evinced his prudence. The whole colloquy was to consist of three actions, to be treated in an indefinite number of sessions. In the first, the true sentiments of each party were to be handed in in writing, expressed as briefly and tersely as possible; no proofs to be adduced, except testimonies that these were the genuine tenets of the communion which brought them forward. Thus, at one glance, the agreement and variation of the three bodies would be most clearly seen. In the second action, the different opinions were to be discussed, while the controversy was conducted in the most friendly and brotherly manner that could be devised. And the third action was to be occupied by an endeavour to decide what each of these communions would be willing to surrender for the sake of peace. Each party was to appoint two deputies, who in the private sessions were alone to speak, and in the public meetings to lead and to moderate among their own followers. Each confession was to appoint two notaries; but nothing was to be published under the title of Proceedings except that which should have been approved by the presidents and the deputies. Matters having proceeded thus far, the Lutherans and the Calvinists, each yielding to the Roman Catholics the first post of honour, disputed between themselves the second; after a long discussion it was conceded to the latter.

The first session was held on the following day. The Catholics handed in a paper of conditions, the principal article among which was that, when they should once have defined their own. doctrine, it should not be allowable to their adversaries to impute anything to them which they had thus implicitly denied. The conditions exhibited by the Calvinists were somewhat longer; they insisted that Holy Scripture should be quoted in the originals; that its plain and natural signification was to be received as the only rule of faith; that, nevertheless, the testimony of the first three centuries might be adduced, not as infallible, but, considering the respect in which it ought to be held, for as much as it was worth. The Lutherans were not yet prepared with their terms, and it was therefore determined that the proceedings should begin. The place of meeting was the Town-hall of Thorn; and there, on that day, probably for the only time since the Reformation, the three contending parties united in a religious act. Bishop Tyskievicz intoned the Veni Creator Spiritus;' the theologians of the three confessions took it up; and, on the conclusion of the hymn, they took their oaths of compliance with the king's edict,-the Catholics to the bishop; the Protestants and the Reformed to the king's legate. Thus ended the first day's business.

On the 1st of September the Calvinists requested to give in a reply to the strictures which had in the meantime been sent to them by the Catholic divines. They affirmed that while Scripture was their only rule of faith, they nevertheless acquiesced in the Creeds of the Apostles, of Nicæa, of Constantinople, Ephesus, and Chalcedon; and, so far as they were concerned with the heresies of their day, they received the professions of faith authorized by the fifth and sixth Ecumenical Councils. With respect to the controversies that had arisen of late years, they consented to the Confession of Augsburg, and to the formula of Sendomir; if any more particular declaration were needed, they were ready to furnish it. In the fifth session, September 4th, a difficulty arose with respect to the title Catholics. The Roman theologians insisted that it should be applied absolutely, and without any adjunct, to them; their opponents protested that they should content themselves with the name of Roman Catholics. It was finally agreed that the notaries of each party should be at liberty to use the appellation which they preferred.

On the following day, a more serious obstacle presented itself. It had been agreed that each session should commence with prayer. The Reformed were willing to concede to the Catholics that these prayers should be offered by the Bishop of Samogitz. The Lutherans, however, stood out obstinately; each of the three parties, they said, ought to have equal privileges, and the divines of each should therefore take their turn in the preliminary prayers. In the eighth session, the question was settled by permission being given to the Lutherans to hold their assemblies apart, while the two other communions were praying in common. All these proceedings bear a very curious resemblance to the controversy that arose some twenty years ago, with respect to the desirableness of opening the meetings of the Bible Society with prayer.

This matter being settled, the Lutherans bound themselves to stand by the articles of the unvaried Confession of Augsburg; in which, as they affirmed, all the fundamental articles of faith, set forth in Scripture, were contained. Hülsemann, whose delight seems to have consisted in seizing every possible occasion for introducing matters of discord, made a furious attack on the Reformed for professing their assent to this Confession. In the next session, the Catholics exhibited, as their faith, the belief of the Catholic Church, expressed in Councils, whether general or particular, in so far as they were legitimately approved; and more especially that of Trent. The Lutherans replied that the faith defined by the really general Councils, and by two Synods which they especially valued, namely, those of Milevi and the

second of Orange, were the same that were contained in the Confession of Augsburg and the Articles of Smalcald. Therefore, in the eleventh session, the Catholics expressed more minutely their faith on the points controverted between them and their opponents. This document was admirably drawn out, and is worth abstracting. It commences by disclaiming certain opinions falsely attributed to the Catholic Church by her enemies. It then asserts, that the rule of faith is the whole Word of God, whether written or unwritten. That the fall of Adam had not only brought punishment and death on his posterity, but also, and that truly and properly, sin; which sin had, however, not destroyed free will, though it would have deprived it of all strength for good works, unless God the Father had sent the Son as the full and only propitiation of mankind. That Christ died for the sins of the whole world, although they only were justified to whom His merit was communicated. That we are justified freely, and not by our own works; and although adults were bound to dispose themselves for the reception of justification, yet that disposition does not merit it. That by justification we are, and are not merely accounted, righteous. That, therefore, all are bound to the observance of the laws of God as not being impossible; that the labours of the righteous will receive an infinite reward; and that, if a man endeavours to serve God with the view of obtaining their reward, he sins neither mortally nor venially. That no man could be absolutely assured of his own faith or salvation. That a baptized man, after falling into sin, must be reconciled to God by the Sacrament of Penance, and by the merits of Christ. With respect to the Sacraments, that while the general analogy of the whole of Scripture is allowed, those of the Evangelical differ from those of the Mosaic law. That Baptism is universally necessary to salvation; preceded, in the case of adults, by their own faith; in the case of infants, by that of the Church. That in the Lord's Supper, Christ is really and truly present and eaten, even by the unworthy partaker; that the manner in which He is present has been well defined by the word Transubstantiation; that, therefore, the essence of the sacrament did not consist in its mere use; that the reception in both kinds was not an absolute command of Christ. The rest of the declaration consists of an enumeration of the other five sacraments; an assertion of the honour due to saints; and a defence of the general rites and ceremonies of the Church. The Reformed next exhibited their own declaration; but on perusal, it was found to be so verbose, so full of superfluous dogmas, and so injuriously expressed as regarded the other two confessions, that it was returned by the presidents, with