Cuillier, who had come out as a seaman under Suffrein and deserted about the same time as Thomas. De Boigne had given him a command in 1790; and, being a brave and steady soldier, he had risen to the position which enabled him successfully to lay claim to the chief command in 1797. Here he had an opportunity of choosing his path. He chose the wrong one.

At the time when these things happened, Upper India was in the darkest hour that proverbially precedes the dawn. The Mahratta confederacy was dissolving, and it seemed as if any bold adventurer might construct for himself an independent lodging out of the materials. Perron, the name Cuillier had assumed, held semi-regal state at Koil, with the adjoining fort of Aligarh for arsenal and place of arms. Thomas, after a series of campaigns against the Rajputs on one side and the Cis-Sutlej Sikhs on the other, established himself in Hariana, having his chief strong-hold at Hansi. Ceasing to be a mercenary or a leader of organised robbery, he set himself in earnest to the work of administration. This uneducated marinerto use his own words-" established a mint and coined his own rupees, employed artificers of all kinds, cast his own guns, made muskets and powder," engaged European officers, and established a system of invaliding, and of pensions for deceased soldiers and families. With a force at first consisting of no more than 2,000 men he carried on some further brilliant campaigns; but as these were always conducted against enemies of the Mahratta power his proceedings at first escaped the jealousy of his brother mariner. At the end of 1799 Thomas had attained his climacteric," Dictator," as he boasted, "of all the countries south of the river Sutlej."

And now began the descent. Perron was also at his zenith, and the views of the two men proved incapable of reconciliation. Perron, like most Frenchmen of his class and time, was under the influence of strong anti-British feeling, and was already treating with General Bonaparte for an invasion of India. Thomas, for his part, was a strongly loyal Briton, and engaged in negotiations with the Calcutta Government for British intervention in Hindustan. So Perron sent him an ultimatum, requiring him to enter the service of Sindia, while Thomas, refusing to take service under a Frenchman, endeavoured to join alliances with Holkar and other malcontent Mahrattas. The end came swiftly; a brigade was sent into Hariana, against which the adventurer made a resolute defence. But the force of

numbers, joined (it must be confessed) to habits of occasional intemperance, ultimately frustrated his efforts. Driven into Hansi, he made his last stand; but was com-. pelled to submit. On the first day of 1802 he capitulated, and was allowed to pass into British territory. On his way he visited the Lady of Sardhana, who took charge of his wife and family; he then took boat on the Ganges, accompanied by Colonel Francklin, to whom, during the downward voyage, he supplied the materials for a biography, afterwards published by that officer; but Thomas never lived to leave India. He died at Bahrampore (August 22nd 1802), where his tomb is still identified, although despoiled of the stone that may have borne his epitaph. His son was provided for in the Begam's service, and a portrait of him in native costume hangs in a room of the palace at Sardhana. Some of Thomas's descendants are still living-in comparatively humble positions-at Agra and Delhi.

His conqueror's fall was not far off. Distrusted by Sindia, and threatened by plots amongst his subordinates, General Perron began war against the Company in 1803, with clouded auspices. When Lake's expeditionary army arrived at Aligarh, Perron made a feeble show of resistance; but, on hearing that Sindia had sent a Mahratta officer to supersede him, he surrendered himself to Lake, by whom he was permitted to depart in honour. He retired to France with a large fortune; married his daughters into noble families, and died in affluence, in 1834, nearly eighty years of age.

Such are some of the curious records to be found in Mr. Compton's work. It is too big a book to be recommended for comfortable reading; too big, perhaps, for such a subject in our busy times. It seems inflated by too much reflexion and eloquence; and yet is not wholly free from omissions-or, indeed, from errors. One would like to know, for instance, why the original name of de Boigne is said to have been La Borgne (feminine article) and how Mr. Compton picked up the nickname he bestows on Thomas of Fawruj jung—which is quite unmeaning. It is not, however, in a spirit of carping criticism, that one would willingly take leave of a writer who has worked so hard at an instructive and interesting study. The book exhibits genuine labour and wide research; and all students of Indian history owe thanks to both author and publisher for the record of a state of things which can never lose a certain amount of importance. It should be added that

pension valuable in another way: as a clue for tracing its recipient.

So far G. C., who has told us so much to excite our curiosity, that he may fairly be asked to enquire further, and to tell us more.

It may be taken as certain that the East India Company would not pay a pension to a woman to whom they had no obligation, of whom they did not know her parentage or her place of birth, nor indeed anything else except that she was in the Court of a foreign and hostile power. The records of the Company must contain an account of this pension, and of the grounds on which it was granted; and so the lady's origin, or what the Company s officers believed to be such, may be readily traced. Dates are sadly wanting in the narrative; but such events as are narrated can hardly have occurred prior to 1800, or later than 1805, so they would fall into the Governorship of Lord Wellesley. It would be interesting to learn whether at this time there were Company's ships (there could not be any others) plying from any point in the Jumina to England; and also with what view a Company's captain could have carried off an unknown Indian child four years of age.

Perhaps also G. C. could tell your readers when the Princess died. Her death must have been recent, because he says she lived to an immense age, and she must have been very little, if at all, older than the century. This is mainly a matter of personal curiosity; but the expiry of her pension would be an event fresh within the knowledge of the Indian authorities.

There is one other point of more general historical interest. G. C., speaking from personal knowledge of her dignity, courtesy, and high breeding, says "that it was "impossible to avoid recognition of the distinction possessed "by the lofty race whose monarchy once governed the "Eastern world." If now he is induced to add any of the further information above requested, would he also inform us what is the lofty race of which he speaks, and in what sense and to what extent they governed the Eastern world, and when?

Some supplements of this kind may possibly be afforded by others of your readers who see this enquiry.

But from whatsoever source, they would add much to the interest excited in a lady who, according to the narrative given, not only possessed a very marked character, but went through a singular course of adventures.

AN IDLE ENQUIRER.

BURMESE LACQUER BOXES.

WHEN or how lacquer manufacture was first introduced into Burmah, like most other Burmese history, is wrapped up in obscurity, though Burmese traditions trace its origin to the reign of King Bodauphaga, about the Burmese era 1772. Until 1884 it was in a flourishing condition, and the makers paid taxes on the bamboos, wood, oil, and pigments used in the manufacture, but not on the manufacture itself. Since the troublous times of King Thebaw's reign, the trade has been disorganised and brought almost to a standstill, though a certain amount of judicious fostering care and encouragement by the Government would doubtless lead to a considerable development thereof. Until a few years ago, lacquer-work was almost exclusively practised by pagoda slaves. These were persons who, for some crime, real or imaginary, were made slaves, and condemned to serve at the Pagodas, depending chiefly on charity for their food, and debarred from all social intercourse with the people. They were considered as mere out-casts at Pagan, the great manufacturing centre-a Pagoda prince, degraded for in-. curring the king's displeasure, being at the head of these so-called slaves. They all live in colonies round the various pagodas, in miserable little thatched huts, are extremely poor, but all possess large families--one rarely sees a hut without half a dozen or more children in it.

Lacquer work has thus come to be looked upon as a degrading occupation by the Burmese-an idea which is much to be regretted, but which it may be difficult to eradicate. It is a simple handicraft, and, with the increasing demand consequent on the pacification of the country, there ought to be lucrative employment in it for a very large number of people. There is no doubt that in the old times the Burmese officials diverted most of the profits of the trade into their own pockets, for, in spite of the flourishing condition of the manufacturer, none of the manufacturers appear ever to have reached even moderate affluence. The Pagoda slave-prince is an intelligent old man, well versed in all matters connected with lacquer-making, and, under his guidance, the correspondent of the Indian paper, from

which we glean this information, visited the place and made personal inspection of the various huts and hovels where the manufacture is carried on. Work goes on under verandahs in front of the huts, either on the ground or on raised split bamboo platforms. Under every shed is an underground cellar with steps leading down to it, and shelves on either side, on which the lacquer baskets are kept to dry. The entrance to the cellar is closed by a horizontal wooden door, which lifts up like the lid of a box. It is astonishing how such beautiful work is turned out under such circumstances, and with such rude appliances as are here used. The best boxes are produced at Pagan, but Nyoungoo turns out the largest numbers, and there about 200 houses are engaged in the work, each hut manufacturing about 3,000 boxes in the course of a year. The usual time for completing a box is about three months, but the best kind take about six months, the value being in exact proportion to the time bestowed on its manufacture.

Working in the wood-oil is said to produce a sort of rash on the workers; otherwise they seem to keep good health. The various sorts of boxes produced are women's toilet or dressing boxes, water vessels, which vary from three and a-half inches to one foot in diameter, drinking cups (also used by the Europeans for other purposes, such as salt-cellars, egg-cups, ash-trays, &c.), boxes for carrying rice and presents, for ecclesiastical or official purposes, and lastly, the far-famed betel-box, consisting of two cylindrical cases, one sliding into the other. These latter boxes vary from two inches to one foot in diameter. Of all the varieties of lacquer boxes these are the best turned out, and the most elaborately coloured. Some are beautifully made, and the sides are as flexible and resilient as a fine steel spring; this, however, being a quality possessed only by boxes which have been allowed, during the process of manufacture, a long time to mature. Such boxes are expensive; a good one may cost as much as £3. No Burman household would be complete without several betel boxes, and no Burman official thinks of going anywhere without the indispensable concomitant-it is always by the side when receiving visitors, and it is always carried by a bearer before him on State occasions.

The process of manufacture is as follows: The first stage is the plaiting of the boxes or baskets by women and girls, the skeleton or frame work of all the Burmese lacquer work being of bamboo. The bamboos are soaked. in water for three or four days and then slit up into fine