1850.] Dissolution of Parliament. 53 undoubtedly added much to the enthusiasm which hailed the accession of his brother, William, Duke of Clarence. Everywhere the mass of the people gave full and free expression to their satisfaction, in even more extravagant outbursts of loyalty than are usual on such occasions; and the new king soon acquired an almost unbounded popularity. Although he possessed no fixed political principles, and was certainly inferior to his elder brother in intellectual endowments, he was frank, open-hearted, and candid in his business transactions; and his memory is entitled to a respectful consideration, which we must withhold from the wretched profligate whom he succeeded. So far as he had any clear ideas on questions of governmental policy he was a moderate Whig, and was inclined to support the measures of that party; but Queen Adelaide was a decided Tory, and her influence was not unfrequently exerted to thwart her husband's ministers. Indeed, the downfall of the Whig administration, in 1834, was openly ascribed to the undue exercise of her influence. At the commencement of his reign, however, William indicated an intention of keeping clear of the shoals of party politics, and invited the members of the existing administration to retain their places. After transacting some necessary business, but still leaving the all-important question of a Regency untouched, Parliament was dissolved; and a new Parliament was summoned to meet at Westminster on the 26th of October, 1830. Both parties at once began to prepare for the great struggle which was to decide how England was henceforth to be governed,-whether by the personal friend of the fugitive Polignac, or by the friend and disciple of Mr. Fox,- by an administration which believed that it was impossible to improve the representative system of the country, or by an administration which would secure an efficient Reform in Parliament, and carry on the government upon liberal principles. Whilst every mail from the Continent brought news of some great popular triumph, the same battle was fiercely waged throughout Great Britain and Ireland. The elections showed how great and widely diffused was the unpopularity of the Wellington administration, which had hopelessly offended the High Church party by granting Catholic Emancipation, while, on the other hand, it had never possessed, and could not expect to gain, the confidence of the Whigs or of the Canningites. Everywhere ministers were defeated, or triumphed only by greatly reduced majorities; and it was not without a severe struggle that the members of the cabinet themselves obtained seats. Yet it is worthy of notice, that, though a large majority of the members returned stood opposed to the existing administration, there were so many different shades of opinion in the new House that the Whigs did not possess a working majority, even if they were not actually in a minority. This fact is important in estimating the difficulties under which Earl Grey subsequently undertook the government. Many of the Opposition members were even more bitterly opposed to the Whigs than they were to the Duke of Wellington himself. But at the very opening of the session they exhibited the most determined hostility to the ministry. Upon all sides and by all parties the Duke's government was fiercely assailed, as "the most incompetent administration that had ever been in England." For instance, upon the discussion of the address in answer to the king's speech, in the House of Commons, Lord Althorp, after declaring that he should support every measure of which he really approved, from whatever source it might emanate, added: "At the same time, feeling as he at present did with respect to the existing administration, he should certainly not object to any proposition the tendency of which might be to displace them." Such was the general feeling in the Lower House. In the Lords, Earl Grey said:"Through my whole life I have advocated Reform, and I have thought that, if it were not attended to in time, the people would lose all confidence in Parliament, and we must make up our minds to witness the destruction of the Constitution." In another part of the same speech he reiterated this opinion. "I say, my Lords," was his emphatic language," that preparations ought to be made to revise the Constitution, to extend its blessings, and to secure the affection of the people, to insure their tranquillity, and confirm their confidence in the legislature, and in a king who only lives for the good of his subjects." It was evident that no ministry could long resist such assaults without the utmost prudence on the part of its members; but the closing speech of the prime minister 1850.] Fall of the Wellington Administration. 55 in answer to Earl Grey destroyed all hope that his party would be able to retain power. In the very face of a strong Opposition, his Grace had the folly to declare, that the system of representation in Parliament was so perfect that it would be impossible to improve it or to devise another system as good. Referring to Earl Grey's remarks on Parliamentary Reform, he made the memorable declaration which was the immediate cause of his downfall. "He was not only not prepared," he said, "to bring forward any measure of this nature, but he would at once declare, that, as far as he was concerned, as long as he held any station in the government of the country, he should always feel it his duty to resist such measures when proposed by others." Two nights after this fatal declaration, the Earl of Winchilsea attacked the ministry even more vehemently than any one who had preceded him. According to Hansard, "He implored their Lordships to consider the situation of the country, and place before his Majesty, in strong but respectful terms, their want of confidence in his Majesty's advisers, and point out to his Majesty the necessity of placing the government in the hands of men of more political honesty and integrity than the present ministers, and more capable of discharging the duties of ministers of the crown. Such was their unpopularity, that he believed, were it not for the influence of their office, they could not find in the new Parliament fifty votes to support their administration. For the peace and safety of the country, he hoped ere long to see another set of men in their places, for they could not hold office, without endangering all the institutions of the country." There was no division upon the question of adopting the address; but it was very apparent that the prospects of the ministry had been greatly damaged by the debate, and people were eagerly looking forward to their resignation. That event soon took place. Within a fortnight they were left in a decided minority in the House of Commons, and at once resigned. Earl Grey was then intrusted with the task of forming a new ministry. For the first time in the course of a long and honorable life, this venerable and venerated statesman found himself in a position where his rare talents could be di * Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, Third Series, I. 198, 199. rectly exerted in the service of his country. "At an age," says Mr. Macaulay, in his essay on Warren Hastings, "when most of those who distinguish themselves in life are still contending for prizes and fellowships at college, he had won for himself a conspicuous place in Parliament. No advantage of fortune or connection was wanting that could set off to the height his splendid talents and his unblemished honor. At twenty-three he had been thought worthy to be ranked with the veteran statesmen who appeared, as the delegates of the British commons, at the bar of the British nobility." But from the very dawn of his political career, with the exception of a brief period in 1806, under the Grenville administration, he had been excluded from all participation in the government of the country, and had been doomed to a hopeless opposition. Now, however, the dreams of his early ambition were about to be realized; and all eyes were turned to him as the man who was to renovate the corrupted institutions of his country. Well might men then exclaim, in the noble language with which the poet Rogers addressed him only four years later: "Grey, thou hast served, and well, the sacred cause Though the administration which he called around him was not properly a "broad-bottomed " ministry, it contained many who in former years had differed from him, but who were now united with him in principles. Lord Althorp, one of the most upright and pure-hearted of statesmen, but a man of few oratorical gifts, was Chancellor of the Exchequer, and ministerial leader in the Lower House.* The amiable and accomplished, but most unfortunate, Lord Durham was Privy Seal. Lord Melbourne, Earl Grey's successor in the premiership, was Secretary of State for the Home Department. The *For a judicious estimate of this nobleman's character, see Edinburgh Review, Jan., 1846. 1850.] The Grey Ministry. 57 incapable Lord Goderich was Colonial Secretary; and Lord Palmerston, next to Mr. Huskisson Mr. Canning's most distinguished supporter, had the Foreign Office. Charles Wynn, of the old Grenville party, was Secretary at War; but he resigned the office soon after the Reform Bill was brought in, because he regarded it as too sweeping in its character. Lord John Russell was PaymasterGeneral, while the Duke of Richmond, since that time one of his most active opponents, had the Post-Office. Mr. E. G. S. Stanley, better known as Lord Stanley, and the ablest and most skilful debater in Parliament, was Chief Secretary for Ireland. Mr. Brougham was raised to the peerage, and made Lord Chancellor. This remarkable man was certainly the most brilliant and versatile, though by no means the ablest or most consistent, politician then in public life; but even at that time so little confidence was felt in his judgment and discretion, that there was great reluctance to placing him in the position on which his heart was set. Standing, however, as he did, at the head of the Commons, in virtue of his election as one of the members for the great county of Yorkshire, and endowed with powers of invective, sarcasm, and withering denunciation, which were unequalled in either House, it would have been impossible for the ministry to carry their measures against his personal animosity, if from a friend he should become an opponent; and they were compelled to yield to his demands. "His irresistible energy," says a moderate writer, "in expos ing the last ministry, in Parliament, at public meetings, and through the press, had, combined with events, been one of the chief causes of their overthrow; and it was concluded that no other ministry could withstand his opposition. The alleged defects of his character, as regarded judgment, steadiness, or profound knowledge of his profession, were properly appreciated by every body; but the energy and capacity of his mind were traced in such a wide range of action; he had done so much in diffusing education, encouraging science, pressing legal reform, and defending the rights and liberties of his fellow-citizens; — his name was so often seen in connection with literature, politics, forensic and Parliamentary eloquence; - he was so universally feared or admired for the withering power of his sarcasm, and the overwhelming force of his declamation; and by all these means he had acquired so great a popularity, that no set of min |