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Letters from Paris will announce

may accomplish that bufinefs. to the provinces that France has a king; and the provincials will exclaim, vive le roi! At Paris the people will perceive, fome morn ing when they rife, that they have a king. "Is it poffible?" they will fay-"well, what a strange thing! Do you know at which gate he will enter? We ought immediately to hire windows, for there will be a great concourfe of people."

To those who confider the fickle difpofition of the French, thefe illufions may not feem very abfurd; and fuch ideas may render the fituation of emigrants more comfortable, by keeping up their hopes. This at least appears to be the intention of the prefent writer, who, in default of argument, draws largely on a lively ima¬ gination.

Nouveaux Intérêts de l'Europe depuis la Révolution Françaife. New Interefts of Europe from the French Revolution. 8vo. 25. De Boffe. 1798.

This pamphlet contains a fuperficial sketch of the actual fituation of the powers of Europe, as well as of the predicament in which they may probably stand, when they fhall have reftrained the French within due bounds. The whole is hafty fpeculation; and the author has not thought it necessary to enter deeply, either as to fact or reasoning, into the ftate of any one power. With respect to Great Britain, he pays very high compliments to the wifdom of our miniftry, exemplified in maintaining fo arduous a struggle for fix years, against enemies who have conquered a great part of Europe; and he expects the most important confequences from lord Nelfon's victory. That triumph, he thinks, will prevent Buonaparte from returning to Europe, or from being affifted by the French govern ment: it will accelerate the destruction of his army, which will be completed, partly by the climate, and partly by the Turks and Arabs; this victory likewife fecures to Great Britain the alliance of the Ottoman emperor and the commerce of the Levant, gives our fleets the command of the Mediterranean, faves Naples, takes Malta, Corfu, &c. from the French, and will revive the courage of Italy and Germany. In fome of thefe conjectures, it is obvious that our author has been too fanguine; for, without the co-operation of the land forces of Europe, it does not appear that our most brilliant victories have a permanent influence on the state of the

war.

Report of Committee of Secrecy of the Houfe of Commons. Ordered to be printed 15th March, 1799. 8vo. 25. Stockdale. 1799.

This report contains a fuccinct account of various focieties in Great Britain and Ireland. The existence of most of these focieties, the plans on which they acted, their organisation and conftitution, were generally known through the medium of the public papers; and there is fcarcely a fingle point advanced in the report,

which would not have fuggefted itself to any one, appointed to draw up an account of these focieties, from the documents which the members had printed and distributed. The following are the moft material parts of the opinion of the committee, which may be confidered as a prelude to fome farther restraints on public and private meetings,

'Upon a review of all the circumstances which have come under the confideration of your committee, they are deeply impreffed with the conviction-That the fafety and tranquillity of thefe kingdoms have, at different periods from the year 1791 to the present time, been brought into imminent hazard, by the traitorous plans and practices of focieties, acting upon the principles, and devoted to the views of our inveterate foreign enemy.', P. 36.

• Your committee have feen, with fatisfaction, the powers which in conformity to the ancient practice and true principles of the conftitution have from time to time, as the urgency required, been confided to his majesty's government; and they feel it their duty particularly to remark, that the power of arrefting and detaining fufpected perfons (a remedy fo conftantly reforted to by our ancestors in all cafes of temporary and extraordinary danger) has, under the prefent new and unprecedented circumstances, been found particularly efficient. It has greatly interrupted and impeded the correfpondence with the enemy, and has checked, from time to time, the progrefs and communication of fedition and treafon at home. But from particular circumstances which have come under the observation of your committee in the course of their enquiry, they feel it their duty to remark, that the good effects of this meafure would be rendered more compleat, and the public tranquillity better fecured, if the leading perfons who have been, or may be, hereafter detained on fufpicion of treafonable practices, fhall hereafter be kept in cuftody in places fufficiently diftant from the metropolis.' P. 37.

'Although your committee do not think it any part of their province to fuggeft particular measures, the confideration of which must be left to the wisdom of parliament; they cannot forbear particularly and earneftly preffing their unanimous opinion, that the fyftem of fecret focieties, the establishment of which has, in other countries, uniformly preceded the aggreffion of France, and, by facilitating the progrefs of her principles, has prepared the way for her arms, canhot be fuffered to exift in thefe kingdoms, compatibly with the fafety of their government and conftitution, and with their fecurity against foreign force and domeftic treafon.' P. 38.

In the body of the report notice is taken of the Scotch convention in 1792, of the meetings in London, the trials in 1794, the meeting at Copenhagen-house in 1795, the progrefs of the fociety

of United Iriflumen, and the nature of other focieties. The appendix, which is larger than the report, contains the addreffes of various focieties, forms of oaths, &c. The members affert, as the bafis of these establishments, the right of every man to worship God according to his own opinion, and to vote by himfelf, or his reprefentative, in the formation of laws for the public good. According to the report, these claims are merely pretexts for enlifting the difcontented under their banners, and overthrowing the conftitution of the country. Without entering into a nice fcrutiny, we fhall only add, that every one who wishes to form a true idea of the focieties, may confult this publication with advantage.

Report from the Committee of Secrecy, of the House of Lords in Ire-· land, as reported by the Right Hon. John Earl of Clare, Lord High Chancellor, August 30, 1798. Svo. Is. 6d. Debrett.

1798.

The chief features of the late attempt to overthrow the government of Ireland are ftrongly delineated in this report, to which are added the confeffions of the leaders of the united Irishmen.

Neutrality of Pruffia. Tranflated from the German. Svo. 1s. 6d. 1799.

Wright.

This pamphlet is faid to have had an extenfive circulation on the continent; but we prefume that this is the mere affertion of the bookfeller, who wishes to promote the fale of the translation. The object of the writer was to urge Pruffia to an union with Auftria against France, and to invite the powers to a fufpenfion of their mutual jealousies and diftrufts, till they had fubdued the common enemy. They could unite, it is obferved, for the partition of Poland; and mutual fafety is as great a call for their exertions as mutual plunder. A quotation of a speech delivered by Craffus in the fenate, when he was on the point of marching against Spartacus, is applied to the state of the Germans, and to the pur pofe of animating them in this conteft. Before war was declared, every man avowed his opinion; but, when once the fenate had adopted a refolution, private opinion gave way to public confiderations.' It is notorious, that, when Pruffia and Auftria attacked France, the war was a mere war of the cabinets of those two countries against the general fenfe of Germany; and the Germans are not likely to give up their private opinions, unless it should appear that it is the intereft of the people, as well as of the prince, to continue or renew the war with France. From various caufes it has happened that the body of the people feel fome degree of apathy in this conteft; and, in Bavaria and Saxony particularly, the French intereft, notwithstanding the revolutionary atrocities, has ftill the preponderance. On the concluding fentence of this work impartial pofterity will decide: Let us recollect that the French only are the difturbers of the happiness the world poffeffed ten years ago;

and let each man, by his means and by his example, contribute to deliver his country and Europe from their spoil.'

PROPOSED UNION BETWEEN GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.

Competency of the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland to in corporate their Legislatures: with fome Remarks upon the Debate in the Irish House of Commons upon the Addrefs. By the Author of the Neceffity of an incorporate Union between Great Britain and Ireland*: 8vo. 15. Wright. 1799.

Some have said that 'the legislatures of Great Britain and Ireland are incompetent to the measure.' The author of this pamphlet afferts that they are not, and, in contradiction to Mr. Locke, invefts the legiflature with the attribute of abfolute and uncontrolled fuprema cy. The writers upon our government boldly call it' (he continues) the omnipotence of parliament,' They do indeed call it fo boldly, if not blafphemoufly; and the expreffion, we think, is inapplicable. It is by thefe and fimilar abuses of language that a plain queftion is enveloped in a cloud of difficulties.

The power of the legiflature is very differently modified in different countries; and the king of Great Britain is fupreme in feveral legislative bodies, whose power certainly falls fhort of omnipo. tence. He is fupreme in Great Britain, Ireland, Hanover, and Jamaica. But the legiflature of Ireland has not long been independent of that of Britain; and, in Hanover, the legislative. power is restrained by the laws and cuftoms of the Germanic empire. To determine the competency of any legislative body to a particular act, we must be acquainted with the principles on which it is formed: all metaphyfical or abftract notions of this point lead us only into error. When Louis XVI, called together his three eftates, he restored the ancient conftitution of France; but it may juftly be doubted whether the three bodies thus affembled had right to call themselves a national affembly, to affert omnipotence, as vefted in themselves and their king, and to proceed to an entire change of the conftitution, Now if a legiflature be invefted, according to our author, with the attribute of abfolute and uncontrolled fupremacy,' we must allow that the French legislature, confifting of the king and the three eftates, had a right to new model the government; yet, if we examine the nature of the meeting, for what purpose it was called, and what inftructions the members re ceived from their conftituents, we cannot allow them to have been competent to all the acts which have marked in fuch horrid colours the progrefs of the French revolution.

The old maxim feems in this cafe to deferve attention. A de legate cannot invest another with his power. When the members

* See Crit. Rev. New Arr. Vol. XXV. p. 340.

CRIT, REY. VOL. XXVI. May, 1799.

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of an affembly are delegated to perform certain offices, and it is not fpecified in their writ that they may transfer their power to others or destroy it, they are bound by the general law of delegation, and cannot exercise fuch acts of authority without the peculiar consent of their conftituents. Hence we cannot too much applaud the conduct of the British parliament in relinquifhing a queftion to which the Irish nation has teftified fo much repugnance. The arguments have been fairly stated in both countries; and even if a majority in the Irifh houfe of commons could be procured, either by intimidation or corruption, ftill, if the body of the nation should not clearly fee the advantages of the union, there would certainly be impolicy (perhaps we may not be allowed to add, injuftice) in enforcing it.

Our author is of opinion, that there must be a reform of parlia ment, an union, or a general revolt in Ireland. But this and fimilar expreffions go only to the expediency of the measure. The legality of the means employed to produce it may ftill remain doubtful; and we must fee more convincing arguments than any in this work, before we fully accede to the general doctrine of the competency of a delegated body to deftroy that power which it was commiffioned only to exercife during a limited period.

Ireland profiting by Example; or the Question, whether Scotland has gained, or loft, by an Union with England, fairly difcuffed. In a Letter from a Gentleman in Edinburgh to his Friend in Dublin. 8.1. Chapple.

That Scotland has been rapidly improving in commerce, agricul ture, and population, fince the union, is a fact known to every one who is acquainted with that country; and, if any one hefitates on this fubject, the statements in this pamphlet will remove all doubt from his mind. Whether this improvement has arifen from the union, is another question; and, if we do not attribute every thing to that union, we are convinced that without it Scotland would not have rifen to its prefent eminence. The affertion, that England is a ftep-mother to Scotland, cannot have much weight, when it is confidered that the great encouragement given to the Scotch was at one time a foundation for public clamour, and that, at this moment, the application of a Scotchman for any place under government is not lefs attended to than that of an Englifhman. Confiderations on the Competency of the Parliament of Ireland to accede to an Union with Great Britain. By the Right Hon. Charles, Viscount Falklands. 8vo. 6d. Wright. 1799.

If the parliament has not the right of deciding upon all queftions, where does that right of decifion ftop? To this it may be an Twered, that the terms, all queftions, are too general; for it would not be difficult to ftate certain cafes in which the decifion of that affembly would not be valid. Thus it might be proposed as a

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