to offset the favorable impression made by his long and honorable career as a judge. It seems incredible that a careful observer of politics should not regard the corruption and iniquity of the 1901 session of the Pennsylvania Legislature, with its "ripper" bills, franchise legislation, and general and flagrant disregard of public interests, as ills worthy of mention. One of the most disgraceful scenes of recent years was the successful attempt of a faction of the Union party, which a year ago waged an independent fight against the Republican machine, to capture the Union nomination for Judge Pennypacker. In the face of the complaisant and unresisting Ashbridge police, this faction, which had gone back to the machine, together with a lot of thick-and-thin Quay supporters, took physical possession of the hall, and by sheer force of numbers and physical strength maintained control of the Convention Hall and nominated the whole Republican ticket. The other faction that favored the Democratic ticket was compelled to retire and make its nominations elsewhere. Several men were assaulted and one stabbed. The courts will have to determine the regularity of the respective nominations, but in the meantime Judge Pennypacker is likely to refuse a nomination secured in such a way.

Senator Quay is in personal charge of the Republican fight as State Chairman, and this fact, together with Judge Penny packer's eulogy of him, has made him an issue.

Ex-Governor Pattison, the Democratic gubernatorial nominee, is strong in the country districts and weak in the cities. This fact serves to put the United States Senatorship in jeopardy, because it is generally expected that Mr. Pattison will pull through a number of legislators in the doubtful counties, a movement which will be facilitated if the Democrats and the Pattison wing of the Union party effect a fusion, as now seems possible.

box in which $75,000 was deposited for distribution among the nineteen men charged with bribery and perjury, the punishment of the guilty seems certain. Murrell's statement declares that the members of the "combine" agreed to sell for $2,500 each their votes for the passage of a city lighting bill, and to sell their combined votes for $75,000 for the passage of the Suburban Bill, granting valuable privileges to the St. Louis and Suburban Street Railway Company. The fearless energy of the Circuit Attorney, Mr. Folk, has exposed, point after point, the history of this criminal conspiracy; several of the criminals have been indicted, nine are under arrest, two have given bond, others will, if allowed, join Murrell in turning State's evidence. Since the bribery of Aldermen in New York City in connection with Jacob Sharp's Broadway railroad plans, there has been no such clear-cut exposure of municipal corruption as St. Louis now presents. Murrell declares that he surrenders because he can no longer endure the agony he suffered as a fugitive from justice, and asserts that the practice of taking bribes was so common that no one thought it really dishonest! "We did not look upon what we did as a serious crime," he says, as it had gone on so long without interruption that it was not regarded by those who participated in it as morally wrong." The persistence of the Circuit Attorney in following up these bribetakers is worthy of all commendation, and may presage a victory for the reform element in St. Louis politics. But it must not be forgotten that where there are bribe-takers there are bribe-givers. The conviction and imprisonment of one wealthy bribe-giver, or responsible officer of a bribe-giving corporation, would be a public service of National importance, and of far greater consequence even than the conviction of any number of bribed officials.

the cotton manufacturers are among the wealthiest and most cultivated men in the State, issued an appeal that the opponents of child labor should stop working for legislation, and instead work to secure their reform through a "voluntary agree ment" among the managers of the mills. This appeal was so attractive to those who are unfamiliar with the historic attitude of the upper classes toward economic reforms that Chairman Murphy, of the

Executive Committee which has directed the child labor agitation in Alabama, has issued an effective reply, showing that law alone can secure such restriction as the

consciences of the more humane manufacturers would suggest. The central point of his argument is as follows:

We have no definite nor tangible assurance that the representatives of all the cotton-mills in Alabama are ready to offer such a voluntary agreement. The agreement of the best mills without the co-operation of the worst would

leave out of account those very points at which there is the most of suffering among the children. Its history is everywhere the

same. It has failed in Georgia. It has failed conspicuously in South Carolina. In North Carolina, too, there has been agitation for a child labor law. In order to defeat this effort the mill men of the State covenanted with themselves and with the Legislature that they would not work the younger children at night and that they would refrain from the employment of children under twelve. State Commissioner Varner now declares that this agreement, which was accepted by the Legislature and solemnly spread upon the journals of that body, has been violated. In the Report of the Department of Labor for 1901 it is officially recorded that there are in the mills of the State nearly 8,000 (7,996) children under fourteen years of age! Those representatives of the mills who would honestly keep a "voluntary agreement to employ ro children under twelve, save the orphaned and the children of the widowed and the helpless, could find no hardship in a law containing the same provisions. A law bears upon all alike. A mere agreement binds the best and is violated by the worst.

Even if the mill-owners were alone concerned in preventing the exhaustion of bodies and starvation of minds which result from the imprisonment of halfgrown and unschooled children in the fac tories, a voluntary agreement among them could not enforce the regulations which a majority of them would wish. The least humane employer could dictate the minimum of requirements by which all should be bound. That the public should accept

this method of enforcing the regulations which the public welfare demands is out of the question.

Justice Gray Judge Horace Gray, who re

tired a few months ago from the United States Supreme Court, died in Nahant, Mass., on Monday of this week, at the age of seventy-four. He was a family, was a graduate of Harvard Unimember of a well-known New England versity and Harvard Law School, and his success at the bar led to his becoming a Judge of the Massachusetts Supreme Court at the unusually early age of thirtysix, after several years' service as the court's official reporter of decisions—an important and responsible work. In 1873 Governor Washburn appointed him Chief Justice of the State, and he served in this high judicial office for eight years, leaving it only to become a Justice of the United States Supreme Court on President Arthur's appointment. Justice Gray, it is universally agreed, added dignity and intellectual strength to the Court. His decisions on questions of bankruptcy, on those of marine captures and in admiralty cases generally, as well as in legaltender cases, caused him to be recognized as a high authority and legal specialist in more than one direction. Physically Justice Gray was a notable figure because of his large frame, fine features, and dignified demeanor. Socially and personally he was a man of the most genial and attractive traits. As a thinker and a student of legal and public questions his originality and independence were unquestioned.

William Allen Butler

Mr. William Allen Butler, a lawyer and jurist of distinction and an author of some note, died suddenly on Tuesday of last week at his home in Yonkers, N. Y., at the age of seventy-seven. Mr. Butler was born in Albany, was educated at the College of the City of New York, was for many years a member of the law firm of Butler, Stillman & Hubbard, and later of the firm of Butler, Nottman, Joline & Mynderse. He was one of the most successful admiralty lawyers in the country. Mr. Butler made many contributions to magazine literature, and touched on many

topics of a social, historical, or humorous kind. He was a man of various and delightful gifts. His lifelong association with men of distinction had given him a store of recollections of the kind which make invaluable foot-notes to history. His father's eminence brought him, while yet a boy, in personal contact with some of the most interesting and important figures in the political and social history of the first half of the last century, while his own ability and honor won him a large group of personal friends. He described with delightful freshness of feeling a journey made to Kentucky with his father in the days before railroads, and the impression which General Jackson, talking in the freedom of his broad veranda, made upon his boyish mind. Outside the circle of his friends Mr. Butler's wit, gayety, and literary gifts were known chiefly by his lively. satirical poem, "Nothing to Wear," which was widely read and keenly appreciated at the time of its publication; it appeared in "Harper's Magazine" in 1857. Among his friends his vivacious and delightful spirit bore its best fruit in witty improvisations, unpublished skits and plays, and the flow of a fresh and unwearied humor.

for the

This year's sessions The British Association of the British AssoAdvancement of Science ciation for the Advancement of Science

are being held at Belfast, Ireland. To Americans the most interesting addresses so far delivered have been those of Professor H. E. Armstrong-the originator of the Association's new educational science section-of Professor W. D. Halliburton, the eminent chemist, and of Mr. Robert P. Porter, ex-Supervisor of the United States Census. Professor Armstrong pleaded for the injection of American life and energy into the British educational system. Referring to Captain Mahan as one "who had taught the nations the true meaning and value of sea-power," he added: "We need some Mahan to discuss the larger issues of national defense through education. The The ship of state is of vastly greater consequence than the mere navy, yet those who direct attention to the insufficiency of its

arınament are scarcely listened to, and there is not the slightest effort to secure scientifically adjusted and organically completed machinery to drill the crew, which is woefully incomplete, owing to the terrible absence of organization and discipline." Such a criticism of British education ought to be specially felt in this time of Parliamentary debates on a new arrangement of schools. Professor. Armstrong contended that what British education to-day most needed was to appreciate the value of the scrap-heap. "Why cannot we follow the example of the industrious American manufacturer, and agree to scrap' our scholastic and academic ideals, if not our schools and schoolmasters as well, and refit along scientific lines?" The speaker declared that much of American success was due to the way in which republican doctrines were applied in educating American children, and drew the conclusion that "we should set our children free and encourage them to be free at an early age." Professor Halliburton, President of the Physiological Section, spoke highly of Professor Loeb and his colleagues of the University of Chicago in the new field of physiological chemistry. The address was noteworthy in every event because of Professor Halliburton's own work in applying chemistry to the solution of physiological and pathological problems. Mr. Porter discussed the municipal ownership of street railways. He admitted that the municipalities of the United Kingdom have exhibited greater activity in what might be called business ventures than have American cities. At least twenty thousand miles of street railways, nearly all propelled by electric traction, exist in America. According to the telegraphed report, the speaker claimed that "the railway companies pay annually large sums, besides the regular taxes on capital, for the use of streets, and so far as these amounts are comparable, I find that they bring as much net revenue to the municipal treasury as the profits of your bestmanaged municipal enterprises." This statement has already aroused adverse criticism on this side of the Atlantic, the general opinion being that our companies are not paying as much for public utilities, so called, as are the cities of Great Britain.

The Pious Fund"

Another interesting event in the history of the Hague International Arbitration Tribunal has occurred. Dr. Martens, Professor of International Law at the University of St. Petersburg, and Sir Edward Fry, former Lord Justice of Appeal of the British Courts of Justice (arbitrators selected from the list to represent the United States), with Professor Asser, the eminent Dutch jurist, and Dr. A. F. de Savorin-Lohman (arbitrators representing Mexico), met at the headquarters of the International Arbitration Tribunal and under the rules chose a fifth arbitrator or umpire to try the vexed "Pious Fund Claim." Their choice fell upon Dr. Matzen, the distinguished President of the Danish Landsthing, or Parliament, and he has now accepted the task. As the "Pious Fund Claim" is the first case to come before the International Tribunal, and as the question lies between the United States and Mexico, the occasion should be of interest to all Americans. It is thus worth while again to outline the dispute. The "Pious Fund" originated in 1697 in gifts made in trust to the Jesuits from charitable persons, to be devoted to the establishment and maintenance of Roman Catholic missions in the Californias.

At that time California and Mexico were Spanish possessions. In 1767 the Spanish Government expelled the Jesuits and seized all their property, which thereafter was administered by the Franciscan order. Mexico ultimately gained her independence and took charge of the fund. In 1842 Mexico confiscated and sold the properties of the fund, guaranteeing, how ever, to the Church authorities six per cent. on it in perpetuity. When California was ceded to the United States, Mexico stopped paying interest, but in 1869, on an arbitration award made by Sir Edward Thornton in favor of the Church authorities, paid nearly a million dollars in arrears, since which date nothing has been paid. The present claims amount to almost two million dollars. The first practical trial of the Hague tribunal will be eagerly awaited, especially by those who, in common with The Outlook, believe that the mechanism so astutely set up to prevent war and to adjudicate disputes will now move not haltingly but smoothly towards the accomplishment of its great purposes.

In America the rate of postage upon all unprinted matter is sixteen cents a pound, and no package of merchandise weighing more than four pounds can be sent by mail. It is not to be thought, however, that English merchants will be able to send their goods to American consumers by simply paying the postal charges scheduled above. There is, according to the London "Chronicle," a fee of one shilling on every package to cover "the clearance of parcels through the United States customs," another fee of one shilling "levied by the United States Government under the title Sample Office fee' or 'Storage fee,'" and the United States customs duties are to be collected from the person to whom the package is sent, unless they, too, are prepaid. The service, therefore, is less likely to be useful to English firms able to act through American agents than to individuals residing in England who wish to send packages to friends in America. The lowness of the rates, however-whether we consider the share received by the English post-office for handling the goods as far as the American ports, or that received by the American Express Company for handling the goods in this country-ought to awaken the American Post Office Department and the American people to the possibilities of a parcels post system in this country. Within Great Britain the Post-Office Department delivers parcels weighing one pound or less for six cents, and packages weighing eleven pounds for twenty-four cents; and while the United States PostOffice could not offer such rates for its whole territory because of the enormous extent of that territory, it might easily adopt the German zone system and offer similar

If

rates upon packages sent for the moderate distance that covers nearly all shipments from merchants to suburban customers or farmers to customers in the city. The postal investigation of three years ago showed that, despite the heavy rates charged by American railroads for the carriage of our mails, these charges rarely exceed one cent a pound on matter shipped less than one hundred miles. the American Post-Office could secure from the railroads as low terms as these roads will obviously make with the American Express Company on the English parcels shipped under the new contract, we might have low parcels post rates for long distances. But the establishment of a zone system of parcels post with low rates to near points need not wait upon a revision of railway rates.

The Crisis at Colon

Again a state of affairs has arisen on the Isthmus that threatens to make it necessary for the United States to intervene in order to safeguard railway traffic between the two oceans-an intervention which is our duty as well as our right under existing treaties. It is probable, however, that the mere presence of United States forces will be enough to prevent any interference with railway traffic across the Isthmus or the bombardment of Panama from the sea, which it is held would in itself be a menace to international trade. Secretary Moody has ordered the battleship Wisconsin to Panama and the cruiser Cincinnati to Colon, thus guarding the two termini of the interoceanic railway; the cruiser was due at Colon early this week; the Wisconsin was at Puget Sound when the order was given, and will be some time on the way. The news which has led to these precautions on the part of our Government consists of cable despatches stating that Agua Dulce has been surrendered to the insurgents by the Colombian Government forces; that Panama is threatened by revolutionary forces on land and sea, and that the contending factions are approaching so near to the line of the railroad as to threaten the cutting off of railway communication. The surrender of Agua Dulce had been reported previously, but is now positively confirmed. General Durti has been be

sieged for more than a month, and surrendered to the insurgent General Herera only when his supplies gave out and the superiority in numbers of the insurgents became very great. The revolutionists have also attained a victory at Santa Marta, a department capital, and generally the revolutionary cause seems to be in the ascendant.

Canadian Methodist General Conference

The special note of the General Conference of the Methodist Church of Canada, including the Bermudas and Newfoundland, which met in Winnipeg on September 4, is an advance in home missions. The urgent demand for this is the great influx of population into Manitoba and the Northwest Territories. To do its share in meeting the religious needs of this immigration, the Church is devising large and liberal plans. The Conference provided for the appointment of a Corresponding Missionary Secretary and four Missionary Superintendents, who shall have large powers of initiative and administration in the vast field stretching from the great lakes to the Pacific. A special fund is to be raised for carrying out this church extension. A few hours after its announcement a pledge of $5,000 was telegraphed from Mr. C. D. Massey, of Toronto, an augury of the hearty response which the Church will make to this forward movement. Provision was also made for the development of the Indian missions in Canada, in which the Church has won some of its most signal successes, and for the more vigorous prosecution of its missions among the FrenchCanadian population. In this home extension the cause of foreign missions in China and Japan is not to be neglected. The lay delegate from Japan, the Rev. Y. Hiraiwa, of Kofu, a cultured and scholarly gentleman, spoke in excellent English on the missionary problem in that country. Many men of high position were embracing Christianity. The Japanese would be, he said, the most effective missionaries, not only to their own countrymen, but to the great empire of China, with whose spirit, language, and institutions they would be more in sympathy than could any others. Provision is also being made for friendly co-operation in home mission