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ever impracticable. Through that diverfity of mem bers and interefts, general liberty had as many fecurities as there were feparate views in the feveral or-. ders; whilft by prefling down the whole by the weight of a real monarchy, the feparate parts would have been prevented from warping and starting from their allotted places.

You had all these advantages in your antient ftates; but you chose to act as if you had never been moulded into civil fociety, and had every thing to begin anew. You began ill, because you began by defpifing every thing that belonged to you. You fet up your trade without a capital. If the last generations of your country appeared without much luftre in your eyes, you might have paffed them by, and derived your claims from a more early race of anceftors. Under a pious predilection for thofe anceftors, your imaginations would have realized in them a ftandard of virtue and wifdom, beyond the vulgar practice of the hour: and you would have rifen with the example to whofe imitation you afpired. Refpecting your forefathers, you would have been taught to respect yourselves. You would not have cholen to confider the French as a people of yefterday, as a nation of low-born fervile wretches until the emancipating year of 1789. In order to furnish, at the expence of your honour, an excufe to your apologifts here for feveral enormities of yours, you would not have been content to be reprefented as a gang of Maroon flaves, fuddenly broke loofe from the houfe of bondage, and therefore to be pardoned for your abufe of the liberty to which you were not accustomed and ill fitted. Would it not, my worthy friend, have been wifer to have you thought, what I, for one, always thought you, a generous and gallant nation, long mifled to your disadvantage by your high and romantic fentiments of fidelity, honour, and loyalty, that events had been unfavourable to


you, but that you were not enflaved through any illiberal or fervile difpofition; that in your moft devoted fubmiffion, you were actuated by a principle of public fpirit, and that it was your country you worshipped, in the perfon of your king? Had you made it to be understood, that in the delufion of this amiable error yoy had gone further than your wife ancestors; that you were refolved to refume your antient privileges, whilft you preferved the spirit of your ancient and your recent loyalty and honour, or, if diffident of yourfelves, and not clearly dif cerning the almoft obliterated conftitution of your ancestors, you had looked to your neighbours in this land, who had kept alive the antient principles and models of the old common law of Europe meliorated and adapted to its prefent ftate-by following wife examples you would have given new examples of wifdom to the world. You would have rendered the cause of liberty venerable in the eyes of every worthy mind in every nation. You would have fhained defpotifm from the earth, by fhewing that freedom was not only feconcileable, but as, when well difciplined, it is, auxiliary to law. You would have had an unoppreflive but a productive revenue. You would have had a flourishing commerce to feed it. You would have had a free conftitution; a potent monarchy; a difciplined army; a reformed and veherated clergy; a mitigated but fpirited nobility, to lead your virtue, not to overlay it; you would have had a liberal order of commons, to emulate and to recruit that nobility; you would have had a protected, fatisfied, laborious, and obedient people, taught to feek and to recognize the happinefs that is to be found by virtue in all conditions; in which confifts the true moral equality of mankind, and not in that monftrous fiction, which, by infpiring falfe ideas and vain expectations into men deftined to travel in the obfcure walk of laborious life, ferves only to aggravate and imbitter

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imbitter that real inequality, which it never can remove; and which the order of civil life establishes as much for the benefit of those whom it must leave in an humble state, as those whom it is able to exalt to a condition more fplendid, but not more happy. You had a fmooth and eafy career of felicity and glory laid open to you, beyond any thing recorded in the hiftory of the world, but you have fhewn that difficulty is good for man.

Compute your gains: fee what is got by thofe extravagant and prefumptuous fpeculations which have taught your leaders to defpife all their predeceffors, and all their contemporaries, and even to defpife themselves, until the moment in which they became truly defpicable. By following thofe falfe lights, France has bought undifguifed calamities at a higher price than any nation has purchafed the moft unequivocal bleffings! France has bought poverty by crime! France has not facrificed her virtue to her intereft; but the has abandoned her intereft, that the might proftitute her virtue. All other nations have begun the fabric of a new government, or the reformation of an old, by eftablishing originally, or by enforcing with greater exactnefs fome rites or other of religion. All other people have laid the foundations of civil freedom in feverer manners, and a fyftem of a more auftere and mafculine morality. France, when the let loofe the reins of regal authority, doubled the licence, of a ferocious diffolutenefs in manners, and of an infolent irreligion in opinions and practices; and has extended through all ranks of life, as if the were communicating fome privilege, or laying open fome fecluded benefit, all the unhappy corruptions that ufually were the difeafe of wealth and power. This is one of the new principles of equality in France.

France, by the perfidy of her leaders, has utterly difgraced the tone of lenient council in the cabinets


of princes, and difarmed it of its most potent topics. She has fanctified the dark fufpicious maxims of tyrannous diftruft; and taught kings to tremble at (what will hereafter be called) the delufive plausibilities, of moral politicians. Sovereigns will confider those who advise them to place an unlimited confidence in their people, as fubverters of their thrones; as traitors who aim at their deftruction, by leading their eafy good-nature, under fpecious pretences, to admit combinations of bold and faithlefs men into a participation of their power. This alone (if there were nothing elfe) is an irreparable calamity to you and to mankind. Remember that your parliament of Paris told your king, that in calling the ftates together, he had nothing to fear but the prodigal excess of their zeal in providing for the fupport of the throne. It is right that thefe men fhould hide their heads. It is right that they fhould bear their part in the ruin which their counfel has brought on their fovereign and their country. Such fanguine declarations tend to lull authority afleep; to encourage it rafhly to engage in perilous adventures of untried policy; to neglect thofe provifions, preparations, and precautions, which diftinguish benevolence from imbecillity, and without which no man can anfwer for the falutary effect of any abstract plan of government or of freedom. For want of these, they have feen the medicine of the ftate corrupted into its poifon. They have seen the French rebel against a mild and lawful monarch, with more fury, outrage, and infult, than ever any people has been known to rife against the most illegal ufurper, or the most fanguinary tyrant. Their refiftance was made to conceffion; their revolt was from protection, their blow was aimed at an hand holding out graces, favours, and immunities.

This was unnatural. The reft is in order. They have found their punishment in their fuccefs. Laws


overturned; tribunals fubverted; induftry without vigour, commerce expiring; the revenue unpaid, yet the people impoverished; a church pillaged, and a ftate not relieved; civil and military anarchy made the conftitution of the kingdom; every thing human and divine facrificed to the idol of public credit, and national bankruptcy the confequence; and to crown all, the paper fecurities of new, precarious, tottering power, the difcredited paper fecurities of impoverifhed fraud, and beggared rapine, held out as a currency for the fupport of an empire, in lieu of the two great recognized fpecies that reprefent the lafting conventional credit of mankind, which difappeared and hid themselves in the earth from whence they came, when the principle of property, whose creatures and reprefentatives they are, was fyftematically fubverted.

Were all thefe dreadful things neceffary? were they the inevitable refults of the defperate ftruggle of det rmined patriots, compelled to wade through blood and tumult, to the quiet fhore of a tranquil and profperous liberty? No! nothing like it. The fresh ruins of France, which fhock our feelings wherever we can turn our eyes, are not the deyaftation of civil war; they are the fad but inftructive monuments of rafh and ignorant counsel in time of profound peace. They are the difplay of inconfiderate and prefumptuous, because unrefifted and irre fiftible authority,The perfons who have thus fquandered away the precious treasure of their crimes, the perfons who have made this prodigal and wild waste of public evils (the laft ftake referved for the ultimate ranfom of the ftate) have met in their progrefs with little, or rather with no oppofition at all. Their whole march was more like a triumphal proceffion than the progrefs of a war. Their pioneers have gone before them, and demolished and laid every thing level at their

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