example of the people of Geneva, who had for a long time been complaining of the domination of the patrician families, who had gradually robbed the people of all their ancient rights. In 1738, France and the cantons of Berne and Zurich, appealed to by the Genevan Government, had induced the people and the magistrates to accept their mediation, and had obtained for the former the right of remonstrance aud veto in all measures which affected the constitution. And so, in 1762, when the Government, following in the steps of the Paris Parliament, condemned the author of Emile and The Social Contract, the people espoused Rousseau's side very warmly, and addressed a remonstrance to the magistrates, asking that the decree should be repealed as being in every way unjust and ill-advised. But the petitioners were civilly dismissed, and their petition disregarded.

These doings made a great stir in Zurich, and caused great excitement amongst the patriotic students, who expressed their entire sympathy with the people of Geneva and for a time almost worshipped Rousseau, in whose writings they found so many eloquent passages in praise of Nature, simple manners and country life, that were entirely in harmony with their own views.

These young Liberals, several of whom afterwards became famous, now undertook a crusade against the abuses and injustices of the time. During the years 1763, 1764, and 1765 they formally complained of three high functionaries; and an inquiry having proved the truth of the facts they alleged, the guilty persons were dismissed. The magistrates, however, alarmed at the spirit which was animating these young men, blamed their action, and punished them with one or two days' confinement in the Town Hall.

In the spring of 1765, Bodmer had founded a Helvetian Society, which used to meet every week to hear and discuss essays by its members on questions of history, education, politics, or ethics, and which contributed in no small degree to spread liberal ideas amongst the students.

Of this society Pestalozzi was one of the most enthusiastic members.

The same year, the students started a weekly local paper called the Memorial. As its aim was purely moral, politics were not touched on; indeed, at that time, the discussion of

politics in a public paper was forbidden. The editors were Lavater and Füssli; but Pestalozzi was one of the chief contributors, and it is interesting to see the sort of thoughts that occupied him at the age of nineteen. The following are a few extracts from his articles :

"I am told nearly every day that a young man who occupies such a very unimportant position in his country as I do, should attempt neither to criticise nor to make things better; that both are beyond his province. I may, however, be allowed to express my wishes; this at least nobody can either forbid or find fault with. I propose, then, to formulate my wishes and print them for everybody to read. As for those who may make fun of me, I can only hope that they will soon learn to know better."

"I would have no great mind too indolent, or too proud of its own greatness to labour for the public good with courage and perseverance; : I would have no one despise the very humblest of his fellow-creatures when they are honest and industrious."

"I would have parents exercise more care in choosing companions for their children. For who does not know what a powerful influence good or bad companionship has on young souls?"

"I would have people as eager to speak of a man's progress and good qualities as they are to tell his faults. Do we not owe this justice to our neighbour who is trying to be better?"

"I would that one of our doctors would make an abstract of Tissot's excellent book, and that by the self-denial of a few rich people this abstract might be sold to every peasant for a half or third of its price."

This wish suggests another:

"I would that some one would draw up in a simple manner a few principles of education intelligible to everybody; that some generous people would then share the expense of printing, so that the pamphlet might be given to the public for

nothing, or next to nothing. I would then have clergymen distribute it to all fathers and mothers, so that they might bring up their children in a rational and Christian manner But perhaps this is asking too much at a time."

"I would have all who work with their hands, all whosc lives are industrious, frugal, and independent, looked upor as the pillars of our liberty, and held more in honour amongst us."

"I would that all my fellow-citizens could study the history of Switzerland and the laws of the canton, and that the new Helvetian Society would furnish them with the means."

Meanwhile the irritation caused at Geneva by the condemnation of Rousseau had resulted in differences between the magistrates and the people, which were becoming more and more pronounced and threatening, and in 1766, the government again asked for the mediation of Zurich, Berne, and France, "to save the country." The deputies from these three States met at Geneva in March, and proposed an arrangement which suited the magistrates, but did not satisfy the people, who rejected it by a great majority on the 15th of December.

A rumour having reached Zurich that troops were to be sent to Geneva to force the people to accept the proposal made by the deputies, the town was thrown into a great state of excitement, and nothing else was talked about, nearly everybody approving of the step. The young patriots however were violently opposed to it, and debated whether it would not be possible to put the whole matter before the people of Zurich in such a way that they would refuse to become an instrument of injustice.

A young theologian, C. H. Muller, made the attempt, by drawing up a short statement in the form of a dialogue between peasants. The conclusions which he put into the mouth of one of the interlocutors were as follows:

"The townspeople of Geneva have a right to make what laws they please; for the liberty of a people consists in its being able to organize its government as it likes. Besides, it was formally stipulated that the people should be free to

adopt or reject the various constitutional measures, and now that they have rejected this mediation by a great majority, are we to go and force them to accept it? Such a proceeding would be treasonable, shameful, infamous, and a government that insisted on it would no longer deserve our confidence. Come what may, then, I for one shall not go."

Muller, saying the paper had been given him by some one, read it privately to a few friends, and then locked it up in his desk. But he afterwards allowed a student named Wolff to take a copy, and Wolff distributed it amongst the other students.

It was not till the 24th of January, 1767, that the magistrates heard of it. Their patience was now exhausted, and they were furious; they even suspected a conspiracy, and appointed a special commission to discover the author of the pamphlet and have him arrested.

This was on a Saturday. That same evening, Pestalozzi, on the advice of Lavater and other friends, went to Muller to urge him to confess to the magistrates that he had written the pamphlet. Muller promised to do so; but on going to his house the next day, Pestalozzi found that he had fled in the night. Pestalozzi thereupon hastened to consult his friends Lavater, Füssli, and Vogel, and it was agreed that if Muller had really run away, they should tell the magistrates all they knew of the matter. But others had been before them, and Muller had been already denounced by several citizens. Their readiness to do this is explained by the fact that all the townspeople were bound by an oath to tell the authorities everything which affected the State. But in this matter, most of them acted without regret, and were certainly not actuated by a sense of duty merely, for nearly everybody was just as indignant as the magistrates themselves. The latter indeed received many addresses, of which the following may be given as a specimen :

"The faithful citizens, in assuring their gracious lords of their devotion, humbly beg to make the following request:

"Do not let your zeal in this matter grow cool, lest the welfare of the State as well as your own peace and safety be imperilled; continue rather earnestly and boldly to stifle at

their very birth the serpents who are seeking to poison the State."

All the young patriots who were thought to be concerned. in the conspiracy were examined, and some of them were confined in the Town Hall. The result of the inquiries showed that the pamphlet had been written without any malicious intention, and that those who had distributed it had done so without the author's knowledge, believing it to be quite harmless.

But nothing could soothe the anger and fright of the "gracious lords and their faithful subjects." They were particularly indignant with Pestalozzi, and confined him several times, believing that it was he who had suggested flight to Muller.

The burgomaster had, however, received a letter from the fugitive, in which he acknowledged that he was the author of the dialogue, explained how it came to be distributed without his consent, and asked pardon for this boyish fault, which he had committed without any malicious intention.

But the magistrates were too angry to forgive, and the inquiry was conducted as if it had been a question of saving the country from some great danger.

"The faithful people" did not conceal their indignation either, for in the streets and on the market places the students were many times threatened with death.

On Sunday, the 1st of February, 1767, a proclamation by the Government was read in the whole canton, apprising the astonished peasants of the existence of an abominable pamphlet, which endangered the safety of the State, and ordering that its author, Charles Muller, should be arrested and handed over to justice by any one who should meet him. The sentence, pronounced on the 11th of February, declares Muller unworthy of the holy ministry, and banishes him for ever from Swiss territory, orders the copies of his pamphlet to be publicly burned, condemns a dozen students, Pestalozzi amongst them, to bear the expenses of their con finement, warns them that if they continue to speak against the Government they will lose their right of citizenship,

1 Muller, afterwards a professor in Berlin, is famous for having been the first to introduce the Nibelungen to the literary world.