1799.] Review of New Publications. Congress immediately discarded all farther reliance on negotiation, and began to prepare for detending by arins the rights and honour of the country." A. tax, amounting to two millions of dollars, laid on lands, dwelling-houses, and flaves, divided among the states, according to their respective numbers, including two-fifths of the flaves."The hiftory of all ages proves that no oppreffion is fo dreadful as that of a foreign master. Of this bitter cup the Dutch, the Belgians, the Italians, the Swiss, and part of the Germans, are now drinking; and other nations will drink to the very dregs, unless, by a vigorous, timely, and combined refift: ance, they repress the progress of these deceitful and merciless destroyers." (p. 21.) "In France the Constitution is entirely fubverted; the Legislature perfectly enslaved; the right of election wholly annihilated; and a military de. fpotifm in the hands of the Directory firmly established. Such is the liberty which France has gained by feven years of civil war, by the slaughter of two millions of her people, the utter fubverfion of property, the banishment of religion, the total corruption of morals and manners, and the deftruction of so many monuments of human art and industry, both in her own territories and those of her neighbours." (p. 22.) Mr. H. inclines to think the military power, by which the people have been hitherto dazzled and kept blind to the miseries of their own fituation, is approaching faft to the period of its decline, it not already arrived there. "Her vast expences, fupported rather by domestic and extensive plunder than by a regular system of taxation, already exceed her means, as, it is faid, in the proportion of one-third, or a million of livres, about 200,000 dollars each day. This government fubfifts by plunder, and the fources of plunder are very foon exhausted. Already its pecuniary embarrafiments are exceffive. It with difficulty pays its army; its civil officers it does not pay at all. They fubfift by private plunder and corruption, the government does by public. These embarrassments, from the nature of things, must increase. At length it will become impoffible to pay their armies, who will revolt or defert, and perhaps do both in part; then the government, which exifts not but by their fupport, must fall to the ground. Strong symptoms of this state of things as her 957 have already appeared." (p.23.) "The great neighbouring powers must be more and more alarmed. They muft oppose, or be devoured. In the mean time, her excessive tyranny, her infolent conduct, her exorbitant and infatiable exactions, must increase, day by day, the hatred and animofity of those nations over whom, by fraud or force, they obtained dominion; and they will, in all probability, receive with open arms, and aid with all their might, the armies which shall enter their country for the purpose of attacking her. It was among the peafants of Germany, friends, that, after they had tasted the cup of her abominations, in her invasion of 1795-6, the found the most deadly foes; and, most probably, it will be among the Swiss, the Italians, the Dutch, and Belgians, that, on the flightest reverse of fortune, she will find the most dreadful implements of Divine vengeance." (p.23.) "Were France in poffeffion of England, the most formidable bulwark against her power in the old world; and were Austria, Ruffia, and Pruffia, humbled at her feet, as Spain and Sardinia are, I still should have no idea of yielding. After fighting her on the ocean to the laft, and contending every inch of ground with her on the Atlantic shore, I should be for retiring, with the remnant of the nation, beyond the moun tains, or the M fifippi, and there, like the brave forefters who, for the love of freedom, penetrated these at that time inhofpitable wilds, opening to ourselves, amidst desarts and their favage inhabitants, an afylum for felf-government and natural independence. This, in my mind, and, I have no doubt, in yours too, would be happiness, compared with the dominion of a French proconful, who, under the name of a minifter, should dictate to our government, and infolently ride over the heads of our conftituted authorities, or place in power those among ourselves whofe worthlessness should render them fit and acceptable instruments to his pleasure. That she will attempt to invade us, unless her affairs in Europe keep her too fully employed, I think highly probable. The only way to avert the danger is, to be prepared to meet it; to shew a good countenance, make vigorous preparations, and stand ready to give her a good reception. Seeing this, the may probably keep away." (p.24.) once 210. Ob 958 Review of New Publications. 210. Obfervations on the Debates of the American Congress, and on the Address presented to General Washington on bis Refignation; qwith Remarks on the Timidity of the Language beld towards France, the Seizure of American Veffets by Great Britain and France, and on the relative Situations of those Countries with America. By Peter Porcupine. To which are prefixed, General Washington's Address to Congress, and the Answers of the Senate and House of Reprefentatives. WHILE R. G. Harper pleads the cause of American Independence in the cabinet, honest Peter Porcupine reechoes his sentiments through the community in language adequate to their understandings. That there have been favourers of French principles even in America, which purchased, at so dear a price, independence from the mother country, is not more strange than true; and that they have offered that incenfe to the French Republick which would d 'grace humanity to think of, flattering it as a free and enlightened country. "In that free country, France, the parent dares not yield protection to his child, nor the child to his parent, without the previous consent of some petty understrapping defpot. Man poffefses nothing; his property belongs to a mob of tyrants, who call themselves the nation, who hold his labour and his very carcase in a state of requifition. If his griefs break out into complaint, he is dragged to a tribunal, where no evidence is required. A thrug, a look, a tear, or a figh, betrays him. To repine at the cruelty of his fate, is to be suspected; and to be suspected, is death. "We need not stretch our view across the Atlantic for specimens of French liberty; we may fee enough without quitting our own country, or even our houfes. The cockade proclamation of Citizen Adet is at once an infult to the United States, and an act of abominable tyranny on the unfortunate French who have taken a refuge in them. They must not only fuffer shame for their country, but must bear about them the figu of its disgrace, the livery of the infamous Orleans. They must not only be defpoiled of their wealth, and driven from their homes and their families, but muft drag their chains into distant lands. It is not enough that they should be branded with the name of flave; they must wear the symbol of their slavery, and that, too, exactly where other men wear the symbol of courage and honour! Will not the people of America bluth to think that their representatives were afraid to affert that they enjoyed a degree of freedom fuperior to this? "Of the enlightened people, now called the French nation, not one out of five [Nov. hundred can spell his own name. As to religion, four years ago they were seen kneeling with their faces prone to the earth, blubbering out their fins, and beseeching absolution from the men whom, in a year afterwards, they degraded, infulted, mutilated, and murdered. After changing the Catholic worship, at the command of one gang of tyrants, for a worship that was neither Catholic, nor Proteftant; at the command of another, they abandoned all worship whatsoever, and publicly rejoiced that 'the foul of man was like that of the beast. A third gang orders them to believe that there is a God: instantly the submissive brutes acknowledge his existence, and fall on their knees at the fight of Robespierre, proclaiming the decree with as much devotion as they for-. merly did at the elevation of the sacred hoft. "Politically confidered, they are equally enlightened. Every successive faction has been the object of their huzzas in the day of its power, and of their execrations in that of its fall. They crowded to the bar of the Convention to felicitate Robespierre on his escape from the poignard of a woman; and, in less than fix weeks afterwards, danced round his scaffold, and mocked his dying groans. First, they approve of a conftitution with an hereditary monarch, whose person they declare inviolable and facred, and swear to defend him with their lives. Next, they murder this monarch, and declare themselves a republick, to be governed by a single chamber of delegates. This second conftitution they destroy, and frame a third, with two chambers and five co-equal kings. After having spent five years in making war, in the name of Liberty and Equality, upon arms, stars, garters, croffes, and every other exterior sign of fuperiority of rank, they very. peaceably and tamely suffer their masters to dub themselves with what titles they please, and exclusively to affume garbs and badges of distinction far more numerous than those which formerly exitted in France. "But, the circumstance best calculated to give a just idea of their baseness of spirit and swinith ignorance is, their fanctioning a conftitution which declares that they shall elect the members of their affemblies, and then fubmitting to a decree obliging them to chuse two-thirds of the number out of the Convention. Nor was this all; the Convention, not content with ensuring the re-election of these two thirds, referved to itself the power of rejecting such members of the other third as it might not approve of! And yet the wife Mr. Parker calls the French a free and enlightened people,' and very piously wishes that, Kingcraft may be done away, and that republicanism may enlighten the whole earth!The House of Representatives were afraid even 1799.] Review of New Publications. even to hint that this nation of poor, cajoled, cozened, bullied, bamboozled devils were less enlightened than the people of America!" (p. 23-25.) But, that America should fee her interest so little as to think of preferring a connexion with France to one with England, is beyond all conception. "The neceffity of commercial connexion between Great Britain and America is so loudly and unequivocally afferted by the unerring voice of Experience, that nothing but the blindest ignorance, or the most unconquerable prejudice, could poffibly have called it in question. Immediately after the suspension of this commerce, caused by the revolutionary war, it was on both fides refumed with more ardour than ever, notwithstanding all the arts that France and her partizans employed to prevent it. In vain did poor Louis issue edicts to encourage his people to fupplant their rivals; in vain did he take off his duties and offer premiums; in vain did friend Briffot coax the Quakers, and citizen Madison speechify the Congress: in spite of all their fine promifes, cajoling, and wheedling; in spite of the mortification of Britain, and the more powerful prejudice of America; no fooner was the obstacle removed by the return of peace, than, without a treaty of friendship and commerce, without any other stimulus than mutual interest, confidence, and inclination, the two countries rushed together like congenial waters that had been feparated by an artificial dyke. "It is this natural connexion with Britain, the Britifh capital, which a confidence in the stability of the government invites hither, together with the credit that the merchants of that country give to those of this; a credit which British merchants alone are either willing' or able to give; that forms the great fource of American wealth. Mr. Smith from Maryland, the polite Mr. Smith, who called the British fea-robbers and monsters,' incautioufly acknowledged, in the fame breath, that these monsters' gave a stationary credit to this country, amounting to truenty millions of dollars. Grateful gentleman! A very great part of this credit is given for a twelvemonth at least; so that the simple interest on it amounts to one million two hundred thousand dollars annually; an advantage to this country that might have merited, in return, fomething more palatable' than 'fearobbers and monsters.' "If America could obtain what the stands in need of (which the cannot) from any other country than Britain, from what country on earth could the obtain them on terms like these? The capacity of France, in the brightest days of her commercial profperity, was fairly tried. Correfpond 959 ences were opened with her merchants; but what was the result? The total ruin of them, and of all those who were concerned with them. They are no more; they are forgotten. Their trade could be equaled in shortness of duration by nothing but the wear of their merchandize. "To say, as some of the French faction have done, that America does not want the manufactures of Britain, is an infult on the national difcernment little short of the blunderbuss of my old friend Citizen Adet. Let any man take a view of his dress (when he is dreffed like a man), from head to foot; from the garments that he wears to fea, to plough, to market, or to church, down to those with which he steps into bed; let him look round his shop, and round the shops of his neighbours; let him examine his library, his bed-chamber, his parlour, and his kitchen; and then let him say how great a part of a'l he fees, of all that is indifpensable, useful, or convenient; let him say how great a part of all this comes from Great Britain, and how small a one from France, or any other country; and then, if he be fool enough, let him say, with the Gallican faction, that we stand in no need of the manufactures of Britain. "The commercial connexion between this country and Great Britain is full as necessary as that between the baker and miller; while the connexion between America and France may be compared to one between the baker and the milliner, or toyman. France may furnish us with looking-glaffes; but, without the aid of Britain, we shall be ashamed to fee' ourselves in them, unless the sans culottes can perfuade us that thread-bare beggary is a beauty. France may deck the heads of our wives and daughters (but, by-the-bye, she shan't those of mine) with ribbons, gauze, and powder; their ears with bobs, their cheeks with paint, and their heels with gaudy party-coloured filk, as rotten as the hearts of the manufacturers; but Great Britain must cover their and our bodies. When the rain pours down and washes the rose from the cheek; when the bleak North-wester blows through the gauze, then it is that we know our friends. Great Britain must wrap us up warm, and keep us all decent, snug, and comfortable, from the child in swaddling-cloaths to its tottering grandfire. France may send us cockades, as she does (or has done) in abundance; but Great Britain must send us hats to stick them on. France may furnith the ruffle, but Great Britain must fend us the shirt; and the commerce of the latter nation is just as much more neceffary to this country than that of the former, as a good decent shirt is more necessary than a paltry dis. slout of a ruffle." (p.30-33.) As |