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prevail? Who of the Pagans has been found sacrificing, since sacrifices have been prohibited by the laws, and did not deny it? Who of them has been found worshipping an idol, and did not cry out, I have done no such thing, dreading to be convicted! On the other hand the disciples of Christ by his words, and by his example in dying and rising again, have been raised above the fear of death. The words of the Lord therefore have prevailed, because they were preached by those who were void of fear. They were not afraid of exile, loss of goods, death itself, nor even the death of the cross, than which nothing is more terrible.'

All this may be true: for I do not suppose that Gentile people, by their principles, were so well qualified to be martyrs as the Christians were nevertheless I cannot but think it pity that they were brought to this trial by Christians; and it must seem ungenerous to triumph over them for their weakness. However, I now allege this passage only to shew what was the state of things at that time; and with it I put an end to the collections of this kind.

SECTION XVI.

Concluding Observations upon the State of Gentilism under Christian Emperors.

We are now to make remarks upon the accounts which we have seen of the state of Gentilism in the times of Christian emperors.

1. Constantine, and divers other Christian emperors, acted contrary to the edict which was published by him and Licinius in the year 313.

I suppose my readers to be well acquainted with that edict, which was transcribed by us formerly at length, in its proper place and time. Moreover the substance of it was rehearsed by us again, not long ago."

Several of the imperial laws above recited, concerning the Gentile people and their worship, plainly break in upon the liberty there granted. All people were not now allowed to chuse and observe that way of worship which they approved of. The way of worship chosen by the Gentiles was forbidden and restrained. The shutting up or demolishing their temples, and the removing and breaking to pieces their images, were also inconsistent with that edict of general toleration.

Le Clerc, in his account of Pagi's Critique upon Baronius, which was published complete in four volumes at Geneva, in the year 1705, speaking of affairs in the reign of Honorius, near the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, expresseth himself after this manner: Thus it was that the Christians continued to return to the Pagans what they had suffered from them during the first three centuries, instead of gaining them by patience and mildness, which they had so much recommended when they were the weakest. This conduct was proper to make the Pagans more obstinate, by teaching them that the Christians affected to speak of humanity and moderation from interest only, and not from a principle of religion, as they pretended. At least it is certain, that thereby they lost the right to complain of the • manner in which the Pagans had treated them in times past, or to boast of the mildness of their religion, which they effectually disparaged by those persecutions. The laws against the Pagans may be seen in the Theodosian code, at the title De Paganis, sacrificiis, et templis.'

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We ought not to imagine that the penalties laid by Christians upon the Pagans were light. If a sacrifice was offered in a private place, with the knowledge of the proprietor, the place was confiscated; if not, they were to pay a fine of twenty pounds of gold, and as much as if it ⚫ had been done in a temple.And in some cases the penalty of death was appointed-We may look into the Oration of Libanius for the temples where that orator sustains the same character before Theodosius as the Christians had formerly done before the Pagan emperors,

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exilia, nec damna, nec mortem, nec crucem. Non enim nec mortem solam, sed nec crucem, quâ morte nihil videbatur exsecrabilius. Enarr. in Ps. cxl. al. cxli, n. 20. Tom. 4.

a Ch. xl. sect. x.

See here, p. 436.

Bib. choisie. Tom. viii. p. 276. &c.

d Le Clerc there refers to the law of Theodosius in 392, which was recited by us some while ago, at p. 443.

I must acknowledge that this phenomenon, if I may so call it, gives me pain: for I could wish "that they who defended the truth had preserved to themselves the honour of being the only 'persons that were persecuted for religion.'

a

So writes Le Clerc. Some other like things were said by us formerly in the chapter of Con-stantine; where also we took the liberty to consider the treatment given in that reign to men of different denominations, catholics, heretics, and Gentiles.

2. There were as yet no laws of Christian emperors restraining freedom of speech in Gentile people, or the freedom of writing and conference in things of religion.

C

b

Such laws have been made since; but I see nothing of that kind in any of the imperial laws or edicts above recited. Porphyry's books against the Christian religion, as we are informed, were ordered to be destroyed; but I do not recollect any laws of Christian princes, in those early times, restraining freedom of speech in Gentile people, or freedom of writing and conference concerning things of religion. Augustine has informed us of a pretended oracle about the year 398, foretelling the period of the Christian religion: but he does not say that the publishers of it were called to an account, or punished for it. And we are assured from his letters to Gentiles, and from their letters to him, that all did then freely debate the merits and the evidences of the Christian doctrine; and he encouraged, and invited men to propose to him their difficulties and objections. We also know that Proclus, in the fifth century, wrote against the Christians but we do not know that he was punished for so doing.

d

3. There were then no laws or edicts of Christian princes requiring men to frequent the religious ceremonies of Christians, or to embrace and profess the Christian religion, upon the pain of any inconvenience or suffering either in their persons or their properties.

We have not yet met with any such laws; and very probably there were none.

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Libanius is

a good witness that there was no such law in his time. For in his oration to Theodosius he says: You might have enacted such a law as this: Let all present themselves at the places where I worship, and join in the rites there performed: and whoever transgresseth this law, let him be put to death. It was easy,' says he,for you to publish such a law: but you have not 'done it nor have you in this matter laid a yoke upon the souls of men.'

4. I think it must be supposed and allowed, that the laws against Gentilism, above recited by me, were not rigorously executed.

There must have been many instances of connivance and forbearance in Christian people, and in Christian magistrates of every rank, supreme and subordinate. For, as we have evidently seen, many who were zealous for Gentilism lived very quietly and comfortably.

The writers alleged by me in the former part of this volume were all zealous Gentiles, who lived in the times of Christian emperors, excepting Julian, who was himself an emperor. And I have occasionally written the history of divers other learned men, some of them authors of voluminous works: Anatolius, Oribasius, Olympius, Helladius, Ammonius. And one view which I have had in enlarging so much as I have done in their history, and in an account of their works, has been, that I might the more convincingly shew the lenity of the Christian government under which they lived. And there are some others, hitherto omitted, which, for the same reason, I am much disposed to bring in here.

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i

Ælius Donatus' flourished in the time of Constantius, and taught rhetoric, and polite literature at Rome with applause in the year 356 and afterwards; about which time Jerom, who has several times mentioned him as his master, studied grammar under him. Jerom speaks of his commentaries upon Terence and Virgil. And in his own commentary upon the first chapter of the book of Ecclesiastes, ver. 9, he quotes a verse out of Terence's comedies, and

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Ælius Donatus temporibus Constantii Imperatoris in pretio fuit. G. J. Voss. de Hist. Lat. 1. 3. cap. ii.

& Victorinus rhetor, et Donatus grammaticus meus, Romæ insignes habentur. Chron. p. 184.

Dum adhuc essem puer, et in grammaticæ ludo exercerer, &c. In Abac. cap. iii. T. 3. p. 1636. Vide et in Ezech. cap. xi. T. 3. p. 979.

i Puto, quod puer legeris Asperi in Virgilium et Sallustium commentarios, Vulcatii in orationes Ciceronis, Victorini in dialogos ejus, et in Terentii Comoedias præceptoris mei Donati, atque in Virgilium, et aliorum in alios. Adv. Rufin. 1. i. Tom. 4. p. 367.

Huic quid simile sententiæ comicus ait: Nihil est 'dictum, quod non sit dictum prius.' Unde præceptor meus Donatus, quum istum versiculum exponeret, Pereant,' inquit, qui ante nos nostra dixerunt.' Hieron. in Eccl. Tom. 2. p. 730.

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then an observation of his master Donatus upon it; which observation, however, does not now appear in the notes of Donatus upon Terence. Perhaps it never was there, but Jerom * heard it from Donatus at his lectures.

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Servius is one of the learned men who have a part in the conversations of Macrobius's Saturnalia, about the year 400. He is supposed to have then but newly begun to teach polite literature at Rome. He is called a grammarian, and is described to be a man of great learning and amiable modesty. He daily read lectures upon Virgil to the Roman youth; and is the person who is introduced in those conversations to make critical observations upon that poet.

His commentary upon Virgil is still extant, but it is not complete; and perhaps may be only extracts out of his commentary rather than the entire work.

d

In his comment upon the eightieth verse of the third book of Virgil's Æneid is a remarkable observation: In the time of our ancestors, kings were always reckoned priests and pontiffs: hence it came to pass, that to this very day we call the emperors pontiffs.'

For this observation I am indebted to Pagi. He is arguing that the Christian emperors did not take to themselves the title of Pontifex Maximus: nevertheless, as he says, it was often given them by the Gentiles, in their inscriptions, and otherwise. And he instanceth in Servius, who, as he observes, was a Gentile, and flourished in the times of Arcadius and Honorius. And agreeably to him others also say that Servius flourished about the year 412.

f

Here then is another Gentile who lived near the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, who taught grammar at Rome, and was applauded and encouraged after the times of most of the imperial laws against the Gentiles, which have been above recited by me.

And from the extracts formerly made in the chapters of Proclus, Marinus, Damascius, Simplicius, it appears that in the fifth and sixth centuries the chairs of rhetoric and philosophy at Athens, were generally filled by professors who were zealous for Gentilism. Jonsius has a list of them.

There were likewise schools of philosophy at Alexandria and other places, where the professors were Gentiles. Hierocles taught philosophy at Alexandria as low as the middle of the fifth century. The philosopher Hypatia 'lost her life at Alexandria, near the beginning of that. century; but it was not by order of the magistrates, nor by virtue of any imperial laws; but was owing to a mob stirred up by an ecclesiastic of the lower order: though, perhaps, not without some encouragement from the bishop. Ammonius and Helladius, learned grammarians, who taught the polite arts at Alexandria till the year 391, when the temple of Serapis was demolished, afterwards taught the same publicly at Constantinople.

k

Says Mr. Mosheim, speaking of the state of things in the sixth century: Though it had been enacted by the imperial laws, that none who did not abjure the worship of the gods should be admitted into any public office; yet there were many men of learning and gravity, who ⚫ still adhered to the ancient religion. Tribonian himself, the illustrious compiler of the civil law, is thought by some to have been averse to the Christian religion. The same is supposed by many to have been the case of the celebrated historian Procopius. It is still more evident that Agathias, a pleader of causes at Smyrna, and also a writer of history, was a worshipper of the gods: so it often happens in life, the rigour of the laws falls upon such only as have no rank, nor riches, nor favour with great men to secure them.'

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And, which is still more wonderful, the Platonic philosophers, whom all men knew to be a Vide Martinay in loc.

Hos Servius inter grammaticos doctorem recens professus, juxta doctrinam mirabilis, et amabilis verecundiæ, terram intuens, ac velut latenti similis sequebatur. Macrob. Sat. lib. 1. cap. 2. p. 194.

• Sed nunc dicat volo Servius, quæ in Virgilio notaverit ab ipso figurataQuotidie enim Romanæ indoli enarrando eumdem vatem necesse est habeat hujus annotationis scientiam promptiorem Sat. 1. 6. c. 6. p. 556. Vid. et cap. 7. p. 5.60.

d Rex Anius, rex idem hominum, Phœbique sacerdos. Sane majorum hæc erat consuetudo, ut Rex esset etiam Sacerdos et Pontifex. Unde hodieque Imperatores dicimus Pontifices.

Serv. ad Æneïd. 1. 3. ver. 80.

• Magna quidem, quæ ex vetustis inscriptionibus desumitur fides et auctoritas. Sed, ut recte notat Gothofredus citatus, duo hic notanda sunt. Primo quidem non Imperatores ipsos hunc sibi titulum in illis vindicare, verum a Gentilibus tributum ibi exhiberi: quo sensu Servius, qui Gentilis erat, quique Arcadii et Honorii temporibus floruit, in tertio Æneïdos, p. 268. scripsit: unde hodieque Imperatores dicimus Pontifices. Pagi. ann. 312 num. xxii.

↑ A. 412. Servius Honoratus claruit, qui in Virgilium commentatus est. B. Fabr. Indic. Histor Chronol.

8 Ecce Philosophorum Atheniensium successionem. Jons. de Scriptoribus Hist. Philosophicæ, p. 301, 302. See here, in this volume, p. 416.

i

See here, p. 426, 427.

Institut. H. E. sec. vi. P. i. cap. ii. p. 235 236.

! Illud magis mirandum est-Ibid.

' enemies to the Christian doctrine, were allowed publicly to teach the youth in Greece and Egypt the tenets of their sect, though altogether opposite to our principles. These men in• deed affected a great deal of modesty, that their notions of the gods might not appear too dif ⚫ferent from the Christian doctrine, as we see in Chalcidius, and Alexander of Lycopolis. Ne⚫vertheless there were some of them who had the assurance to asperse the Christian religion. Damascius, in the Life of his master Isidorus, casts many ignominious aspersions upon the Christians. Simplicius, in his illustrations of the Aristotelian Philosophy, may be perceived 'sometimes to reflect upon our doctrines. The eighteen Epicheiremata of Proclus against the • Christians were in every body's hands, and therefore were confuted by John Philoponus. . Those men would not have enjoyed all this liberty, if there had not been many among the • magistrates who were Christians rather in appearance than reality.'

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Upon all which I must make some remarks. 1. It is very true, as Mr. Mosheim says, that the Platonic philosophers were allowed to teach the tenets of their sect in Greece and Ægypt. 2. Mr. Mosheim seems to think that a reproach upon the Christian magistrates; whereas I cannot but think it honourable to them and the Christian religion. 3. Procopius and Agathias were not Gentiles but Christians, as has been shewn by me in the chapter of Simplicius. 4. Moreover, though Agathias was a pleader of causes, it is not known that he pleaded at Smyrna. 5. All the rest here mentioned, Chalcidius, Alexander of Lycopolis, Damascius, Simplicius, Proclus, as I suppose, were Gentiles, and as such have been alleged among my witnesses, except Tribonian, of whom I have as yet said nothing.

d

He had a main hand in composing Justinian's Code' published in the year of Christ 533. His character is doubtful. He is in Suidas: who says that he was a Gentile, and impious, altogether averse to the Christian religion. However, he was a man of great abilities; but 'covetous.' This I let pass; for I have nothing to say to clear up the character of Tribonian; nor is it material.

Beside the learned men and philosophers, who enjoyed a great deal of liberty in the times of Christian emperors, there were many Gentiles admitted into civil offices of great trust and profit. Libanius, in his oration for the temples, owns that Theodosius had conferred the highest offices upon those who were Gentiles. Prudentius, in his first book against Symmachus, celebrates the moderation of Theodosius, and intimates, that he preferred indifferently Gentiles and Christians to places of trust and honour. Young Symmachus was proconsul of Africa in 415, and præfect of the city in 419. Orestes was præfect of Alexandria in the beginning of the fifth century. And indeed, as Spanheim observes, many Gentiles still enjoyed some of the highest offices, both civil and military. In the year 408 a law was enacted by Honorius, excluding all but Catholic Christians from military posts. But, as we are assured by Zosimus, he repealed that law, or dispensed with it, for the sake of Generidus, an honourable and worthy man, though a pagan and a barbarian.

h

I mention these things as proofs of the moderation of Christian magistrates, which cannot be gainsayed.

5. Our blessed Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ gave not any directions to his disciples to propagate his religion by external force and violence.

The gospel, or the religion of Jesus Christ, is the doctrine of universal virtue and piety toward God and men, in heart and life, with the assurance of rewards and punishments to all, accord

a Tantum his hominibus licentiæ haud concessum fuisset, nisi inter magistratus multi specie potius, quam re, Christiani fuissent. Ibid.

Vide Fabric. Bib. Gr. T. 12. p. 353, 356. Bib. Lat. T. i. p. 835.

c De Triboniano ambigua fama est. Basnag. ann. 529. n. ii. Vid. et Spanhem. H. Christian. p. 1155.

* Οὗτος ὁ Τριβωνιανος Έλλην υπηρχε, και αθεος, αλλοτριος
κατα παντα της των Χρισιανων πιςεως· κολαξ δε, κ. λ. Suid.
• See before, p. 367.

'Denique, pro meritis terrestribus æqua rependens
Munera, sacricolis summos impertit honores
Dux bonus, et certare sinit cum laude suorum.
Nec pago implicitos per debita culmina mundi.

VOL. IV.

Ire viros prohibet ; quoniam cœlestia nunquam
Terrenis solitum per iter gradientibus obstant.
Ipse magistratum tibi Consulis, ipse tribunal
Contulit, auratumque togæ donavit amictum,
Cujus religio tibi displicet, ô pereuntum
Assertor Divům.

Prudent. contr. Symm. lib. i. ver. 617–626. Orestes, Alexandriæ Præfectus, tempore Cyrilli Alexandriæ Præfectus, tempore Cyrilli Alexandrini-Alii innumeri vel militari, vel Palatinâ potestate instructi, quales adhuc Præf. Præt. Vicarii, Proconsules, Magistri militum, officiorum, &c. Spanheim. p. 1050.

See before, p. 413.

2 S

ing to their conduct here; of which he is himself appointed the arbiter and dispenser; with the promise of the forgiveness of all sins upon sincere repentance; without annexing any temporal rewards (beside inward peace and comfort) to those who should embrace his doctrine, or worldly pains and penalties to such as reject it.

Indeed it is altogether incredible, and even impossible, that the founder of a religion who was himself crucified, and then raised from the dead and exalted to heaven, in confirmation of the truth of his doctrine, and as an example of fidelity to God, patience, resignation, and fortitude, and to raise the thoughts of his disciples and followers to things heavenly and divine: I say, it is impossible that such a teacher of religion should give any directions to his apostles and ministers to propagate his religion by force and violence.

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Julian chargeth the Christians with having killed some who persisted in the ancient religion, and not only them, but also others equally deceived with themselves, who were in some respects in different sentiments,' meaning heretics. But then he adds: These are your own inventions; for Jesus has no where directed you to do such things; nor yet Paul.' We may therefore take this for a clear point; nor need I to say any thing more to prove it.

Nevertheless I beg leave to insert here some observations of the excellent prelate who now adorns the see of Canterbury, which are upon both natural and revealed religion. • Moved b

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by this recital of the dreadful evils which religious intolerance hath committed and attempted, some perhaps may accuse religion itself as hurtful to society. And undoubtedly false notions of it may be detrimental, and sometimes even pernicious. But so may false notions of pa• rental affection, conjugal tenderness, gratitude, and every motive to action. Yet this was never thought an argument against the principles themselves. And if any thing be fitted to • do good and no harm on earth, true religion certainly is. Natural religion is universally acknowledged to be mild and humane. Christianity indeed some have done their utmost to pervert. But let either the bitterest zealot, or the most bigotted infidel, shew, if they can, one instance in which the gospel gives the least pretence for pious cruelty. Every where it breathes mildness, patience, forbearance: enjoins Christians, of ever so different opinions, to receive one another in mutual charity; and even those who are no Christians; it permits us not to judge hardly, much less to use them unmercifully. If then some who profess this faith will act in defiance to it, let them bear their condemnation: but to charge their guilt upon Christianity, would be like censuring the legal constitution of any government, because they who rebel against it behave unjustifiably. For indeed the spirit of persecution is rebellion against Christ, under a pretence of a commission from him: It is "the man of sin sitting as God in the temple of God," 2 Thess. ii. 3, 4. And where it is not designed impiety, it is the grossest ignorance both of the attributes of our Maker, and the precepts of our Redeemer, as the words of the text declare: "These things will they do unto you, because they have not known the Father nor me," John xvi. 3.'

6. All wise and understanding men, of every sect and religion, recommend moderation, and condemn force and compulsion in things of religion. This is true both of Christians and Gentiles.

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Says Tertullian, in his book to Scapula: It is not the part of religion to force religion, which must be taken up freely, not upon compulsion.'

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And Lactantius: Such is the nature of religion that it can be upheld by reason and persuasion only, not by power and authority, that it may be free and voluntary.' Truth and compulsion, religion and cruelty, are incompatible, and can have no fellowship with each 'other' and 'a great deal more to the like purpose. And says Athanasius: Truth is not to be propagated by swords and darts, nor a military power, but by reason and argument. But

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