Surely, so far as the merits of the father can entitle the family to a compensation, his services for over thirty years-services of the most arduous character, exposing him in every climate, and particularly in our war with Mexico-ought to secure them this small allowance. This family are abundantly justified in appealing to the liberality of Congress. Such a family of children has hardly been left by any officer who has died in our service. He had a large family, and they are in utter want,— all his pay was necessary to support them during his life. To be in Colonel Turnbull's house, as I have been, and many other senators have been, and see the beautiful economy by which the expenses of a large family were brought within the compass of small means, was an affecting sight, even in his lifetime. He has left a wife, who well deserved such a husband, destitute, with nothing but a naked house. A word more in explanation. There was no written report from the committee. I presume that the matter was not properly attended to by those who had it in charge for Mrs. Turnbull. A statement in writing was furnished by General Scott; he brought me the paper voluntarily, and then held the conversation I have reported in regard to Colonel Turnbull and the origin of the disease with which he died. This business commenced in the other House, and there the paper was lost. I gave General Scott notice, and requested the committee to summon him as a witness. I wanted to have him before them that they might examine him. General Scott was notified, and attended, but the committee did not meet on that day. General Scott attributes the origin of Colonel Turnbull's death to his being frozen and exhausted at Vera Cruz in the manner I have stated. The service at the North afterwards, on the water's edge, and in that climate, was co-operative with the exposure occurring in Mexico. He died of disease contracted in the line of his duty. I think it is a plain case made out of a man dying from disease contracted in the public service.* * Speeches of this character, not political, but going to show Mr. Crittenden's kindness of heart, and the zeal and sensibility with which he served his friends, I have thought best to insert in his Life, and not to publish in the volume containing his speeches in the Senate and House of Representatives, which it is my wish to have published at some future time. I have also deemed it advisable to publish in this volume some of his speeches to popular assemblies. CHAPTER X. 1859-1860. In Senate, January 4, 1859-Removal to the new Senate-chamber-Speech of Mr. Crittenden-Letters from Letcher-In Senate-Commodore Paulding—William Walker's Expedition to Nicaragua-In Senate-Brig General Armstrong— Letcher to Crittenden-Cuba-Crittenden to Mrs. Coleman-James F. Simmons to Crittenden-In Senate, 1860-Slavery Question-General Scott to Crittenden-Letters of Amos A. Laurence, General Scott, J. P. Kennedy, F. P. Blair— In Senate, 1860-Thaddeus Hyatt. (In Senate, January 4, 1859. Removal to the new Senate-chamber.) R. CRITTENDEN.-Mr. President, I hope I may be indulged in a few words of parting from this chamber. This is to be the last day of our session here, and this place which has known us so long will know us no more as a Senate. The parting seems to me to be solemn, and full of eventful recollections. Many associations, both pleasant and proud, bind us and our hearts to this place. We cannot but feel its influence,-I, perhaps, Mr. President, most deeply, as my lot has been to serve in this body more years than any member now present. We cannot leave this chamber without some feeling of sacred sadness, it has been the scene of great events. Here questions of American constitutions and laws have been debated, questions of peace and war decided, questions of empire occupied the attention of great minds. This was the grand theatre upon which these things have been enacted. Surely this hall is consecrated! Great men have been actors here. The illustrious dead who have in time past distinguished this body, rise naturally on this occasion to our view, I speak but of what I myself have seen, and but partially of that, when I say that within these walls I have seen men whose fame is not surpassed, and whose power and ability and patriotism are not surpassed, by any Grecian or Roman name. I have seen Clay and Webster, Calhoun and Benton, Leigh and Wright and Clayton (last though not least), mingling together in this body at one time, and uniting their counsels for the benefit of their country. On this solemn occasion they seem, to our imaginations and sensibilities, to have left their impress on these walls, and this majestic dome seems almost to echo now with the voice of their eloquence. This hall is filled with the pure odor of their justly earned fame. There are others of whom I will not speak because they have not yet closed their career, not completed their patriotic services, but they will receive their reward hereafter. A host might be named, their names are in no danger of being forgotten, nor their services unthought of or unhonored. We leave behind us, sir, in going from this hall, these associations, these proud imaginations, so well calculated to prompt to a generous emulation; but we carry along with us to the new senate-chamber the pure spirit and the memory of these things. Let us carry with us all the inspiration which the example of our illustrious predecessors is calculated to give. Wherever we sit we are the Senate of the United States of America; a great, powerful, conservative body in the government of this country; a body that will maintain, as I trust and believe,―under all circumstances and in all time to come,-the honor, the rights, and glory of this country. In leaving this chamber we will not leave behind us any sentiment of patriotism, any devotion to our common country, which the illustrious examples that have gone before us have left for our imitation. These, like our household gods, we will carry with us, and we, the representatives of the States of this mighty Union, will, I trust, be found always equal to the exigencies of any time of trial that may come upon our country. No matter under what sky we may sit, no matter what dome may cover us, the great patriotic spirit of the Senate will be there; and I have an abiding confidence that in the performance of its duty it will never fail! But, sir, we cannot depart without casting many longing, lingering looks behind us. This has been the scene of the great past, the new chamber is to be the theatre of the future; and that future, I hope and believe, will not be dishonored by a comparison with what has gone before. The new chamber will have its illustrations of great services rendered by great men and pure patriots. This body, the great preservative element of the government, will discharge all its duties, taking care to preserve the union of the States which they represent, the source of all their honor, the fountain of that trust which they are here to execute,-the source of their country's greatness, happiness, and prosperity in the past and in time to come. (R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) FRANKFORT, January 20, 1859. DEAR CRITTENDEN,-Thank you for your letter; was rejoiced to get it. From all you tell me, and from all I see and hear, political affairs are as unsettled and uncertain as can possibly be. Douglas will cling to the Democratic banner as long as a shred is left; his party may kick him, beat him, but as long as he has a hope of being taken up as a candidate for the Presidency he will humble himself too low to be respected by his party. When he attended that Slidell caucus, the other night, I lost confidence in him as a man of dignity, firmness, and proper self-respect. He seems willing to support Slidell's project to place thirty millions in the hands of the President, as a fund, I suppose, to bribe Spanish traitors to assist in the purchase of Cuba. His whole scheme to buy that island is simply ridiculous. Spain would rather see it sunk by an earthquake to the bottom of the ocean than allow it to pass into the hands of the United States. Now, just let me tell you, when that proposi tion comes up, then is your time to make a telling speech, to exhibit our financial distresses to the country and denounce the scheme "high and dry." I fear the Black Republicans won't have sense to see they can't elect a candidate of their party; they are acting just the part the Democrats wish; and if they persist, a Democrat will be our next President. The leaders of the Republican party are a set of fools. Yes, I mean to go to the Louisville convention the 22d of February, if I live. Our party are in bad spirits. Hope, after the convention, things will be more favorable. I had never thought of Bullock as a candidate for governor; it seems to me he would make as good a candidate as we could run. Carneal will be in W. in time to come home with you. The Queen gives me a first-rate "poor man's breakfast" every morning at nine o'clock, and wishes that you were present to help me eat it. I stand in need of good cheerful company, so come home as soon as possible. Your friend, J. J. CRITTENDEN. (R. P. Letcher to J. J. Crittenden.) R. P. LETCHER. FRANKFORT, January 26, 1859. DEAR CRITTENDEN,-From all indications, I think we shall have a large convention on the 22d. I must say that our friends are too low in spirits and in hopes to make an efficient and vigorous campaign. Something must be done or said at that convention to infuse new life, and courage, and confidence in our party, or we are lost. Before the meeting, it is to be hoped, something will transpire at Washington which will aid us in making a good demonstration. The fuel to make the fire burn bright must come from Washington. It appears to me that before three weeks you will have a volcano in the Senate or House, or both. That thirty million proposition is enough of itself to raise the devil. It is so ill timed, so ridiculous, that I don't see how it is possible it can be sustained by the party in power; yet, from all appearances, it will pass. The thirty millions is designed as secret service money, to be used by the President in the way of bribery, I suppose, and the whole world is made acquainted with the object. The rascals he expects to bribe are, many of them, in the confidence of the Spanish government. They will take his money and laugh at him as a fool. The great desire to acquire Cuba, and to throw before the country a new and exciting topic,-one which will override all others, and cover up the errors of this administration,—is the policy of the Democratic party. I am for Cuba if it can be obtained honestly, fairly, and honorably. There are two modes of getting it one by purchase, that is not possible; the other, by robbery,—whether it can be obtained in that way is a question. We shall have to whip Spain, England, and France to get it. No doubt we can whip the whole world, but it is worthy of some little consideration how long it would take us to do it, and how much money it would cost. These items require a little bit of ciphering. We are in debt now more than we can pay, where is that thirty millions to come from? If the President means to rob Spain of Cuba, we ought to have as much sagacity as a common thief has, and do the job safely and gracefully. Let us wait till there is a rupture between France and England; this is not a good time to try the experiment. But enough of this. Douglas, I apprehend, will run himself out of breath trying to keep up with the Democratic party! They won't touch him; will hardly allow him to vote for their nominee; won't honor him so much as to let him wash up the dishes, and eat in the kitchen of Democracy. His policy is to prove to the Democratic party that he is a whole-souled Democrat and ought to be taken up for the Presidency; but he is playing the game too low down, and will lose the respect and sympathy of many of his followers; his going to that Slidell caucus was enough to damn him in the estimation of thousands of his own party. When too late, he will find himself compelled to take a bold stand, and to try to maintain it. Carneal leaves this morning. I am solitary and lone. I won't abuse him. In fact, I have got him so completely under cow that I must say he has behaved like a gentleman these last three months. He is a conquered rebel as sure as you are born; it cost me a great deal of hard talk and quarreling to put him down, but he is meek, penitent, and humble; and I almost shed |