greatest spring-tide for the confluence and en-tain a far greater quantity of people, if they were trance of that nation. Now I would fain under-mustered by the poll; neither can I see, that this stand, in these four years' space, and in the ful- kingdom is so much inferior unto those foreign ness and strength of the current and tide, how parts in fruitfulness, as it is in population; many families of Scotchmen are planted in the which makes me conceive we have not our full cities, boroughs, and towns of this kingdom; for charge. Besides, I do see manifestly amongst us I do assure myself, that, more than some persons the badges and tokens rather of scarceness, than of quality about his majesty's person here at court, of press of people, as drowned grounds, comand in London, and some other inferior persons, mons, wastes, and the like, which is a plain that have a dependence upon them, the return and demonstration, that howsoever there may be an certificate, if such a survey should be made, over-swelling throng and press of people here would be of a number extremely small: I report about London, which is most in our eye, yet the me to all your private knowledges of the places body of the kingdom is but thin sown with where you inhabit. people; and whosoever shall compare the ruins and decays of ancient towns in this realm, with the erections and augmentations of new, cannot but judge that this realm hath been far better peopled in former times; it may be, in the heptarchy, or otherwise: for generally the rule holdeth, the smaller the state the greater the population "pro rata." And whether this be true or no, we need not seek farther, than to call to our remembrance how many of us serve here in this place for desolate and decayed boroughs. Now, Mr. Speaker, as I said, "Si in ligno viridi ita fit, quid fiet in arido?" I am sure there will be no more such spring-tides. But you will tell me of a multitude of families of the Scottish nation in Polonia; and if they multiply in a country so far off, how much more here at hand? For that, Mr. Speaker, you must impute it of necessity to some special accident of time and place that draws them thither: for you see plainly before your eyes, that in Germany, which is much nearer, and in France, where they are invited with privi- Again, Mr. Speaker, whosoever looketh into the leges, and with this very privilege of naturaliza-principles of estate, must hold that it is the metion, yet no such number can be found: so as it diterrane countries, and not the maritime, which cannot either be nearness of place, or privilege need to fear surcharge of people; for all sea proof person, that is the cause. But shall I tell you, vinces, and especially islands, have another eleMr. Speaker, what I think? Of all the places in ment besides the earth and soil, for their sustenthe world, near or far off, they will never take tation. For what an infinite number of people are that course of life in this kingdom, which they and may be sustained by fishing, carriage by sea, content themselves with in Poland; for we see it and merchandising? Wherein again I do disto be the nature of all men, that they will rather cover, that we are not at all pinched by the muldiscover poverty abroad, than at home. There is titude of people; for if we were, it were not posnever a gentleman that hath overreached himself sible that we should relinquish and resign such in expense, and thereby must abate his counte- an infinite benefit of fishing to the Flemings, as nance, but he will rather travel, and do it abroad it is well known we do. And therefore I see, than at home: and we know well they have good that we have wastes by sea, as well as by land; high stomachs, and have ever stood in some which still is an infallible argument that our terms of emulation with us: and therefore they industry is not awakened to seek maintenance by will never live here, except they can live in good any over-great press or charge of people. And, fashion. So as I assure you, Mr. Speaker, I am lastly, Mr. Speaker, there was never any kingdom of opinion that the strife which we now have to in the ages of the world had, I think, so fair and admit them, will have like sequel as that conten- happy means to issue and discharge the multitude tion had between the nobility and people of Rome of their people, if it were too great, as this kingdom for the admitting of a plebeian consul; which hath, in regard of that desolate and wasted kingwhilst it was in passage was very vehement, and dom of Ireland; which being a country blessed mightly stood upon, and when the people had with almost all the dowries of nature, as rivers, obtained it, they never made any plebeian consul, havens, woods, quarries, good soil, and temperate not in sixty years after : and so will this be for many climate, and now at last under his majesty blessed years, as I am persuaded, rather a matter in opinion also with obedience, doth, as it were, continually and reputation, than in use or effect. And this is call unto us for our colonies and plantations. the first answer that I give to this main inconve- And so I conclude my second answer to this prenience pretended, of surcharge of people. tended inconvenience, of surcharge of people. The second answer which I give to this objection, is this: I must have leave to doubt, Mr. Speaker, that this realm of England is not yet peopled to the full; for certain it is, that the territories of France, Italy, Flanders, and some part of Germany, do in equal space of ground bear and con The third answer, Mr. Speaker, which I give, is this: I demand what is the worst effect that can follow of surcharge of people? Look into all stories, and you shall find it none other than some honourable war for the enlargement of their borders, which find themselves pent, upon foreign parts; which inconvenience, in a valorous and warlike ration, I know not whether I should term an inconvenience or no; for the saying is most true, though in another sense, "Omne solum forti patria." It was spoken indeed of the patience of an exiled man, but it is no less true of the valour of a warlike nation. And certainly, Mr. Speaker, I hope I may speak it without offence, that if we did hold ourselves worthy, whensoever just cause should be given, either to recover our ancient rights, or to revenge our late wrongs, or to attain the honour of our ancestors, or to enlarge the patrimony of our posterity, we would never in this manner forget considerations of amplitude and greatness, and fall at variance about profit and reckonings; fitter a great deal for private persons than for parliaments and kingdoms. And thus, Mr. Speaker, I have this first objection to such satisfaction as you have heard. The second objection is, that the fundamental laws of both these kingdoms of England and Scotland are yet diverse and several; nay, more, that it is declared by the instrument, that they shall so continue, and that there is no intent in his majesty to make innovation in them: and therefore that it should not be seasonable to proceed to this naturalization, whereby to endow them with our rights and privileges, except they should likewise receive and submit themselves to our laws; and this objection likewise, Mr. Speaker, I allow to be a weighty objection, and worthy to be well answered and discussed. sit?" And, therefore, certainly, Mr. Speaker, the bond of law is the more special and private bond, and the bond of naturalization the more common and general; for the laws are rather " "figura reipublica" than "forma," and rather bonds of perfection than bonds of entireness: and therefore we see in the experience of our own government, that, in the kingdom of Ireland, all our statute laws, since Poyning's laws, are not in force; and yet we deny them not the benefit of naturalization. In Guernsey and Jersey and the Isle of Man, our common laws are not in force, and yet they have the benefit of naturalization; neither need any man doubt but that our laws and customs must in small time gather and win upon theirs; for here is the seat of the kingdom, whence come the supreme directions of estate: here is the king's person and example, of which the verse saith, Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis." And therefore it is not possible, although not by solemn and formal act of estates, yet by the secret operation of no long time, but they will come under the yoke of our laws, and so "dulcis tractus pari jugo." And this is the answer I give to the second objection. 66 The third objection is, some inequality in the fortunes of these two nations, England and Scotland, by the commixture whereof there may ensue advantage to them and loss to us. Wherein, Mr. Speaker, it is well that this difference or disparity consisteth but in the external goods of fortune: for indeed it must be confessed, that for the goods of the mind and the body, they are "alteri nos," other ourselves; for, to do them but right, we know in their capacities and understandings they are a people ingenious, in labour industrious, in courage valiant, in body hard, active, and comely. More might be said, but in commending them we do but in effect commend ourselves: for they are of one piece and continent with us; and the truth is, we are participant both of their virtues and vices. For if they have been noted to be a people not so tractable in government, we cannot, without flattering ourselves, free ourselves altogether from that fault, being a thing indeed incident to all martial people; as we see it evident by the example of the Romans and others; even like unto fierce horses, that though they be of better service than others, yet are they harder to guide and manage. The answer which I shall offer is this: It is true, for my own part, Mr. Speaker, that I wish the Scottish nation governed by our laws; for I hold our laws with some reducement worthy to govern, and it were the world: but this is that which I say, and I desire therein your attention, that, according to true reason of estate, naturalization is in order first and precedent to union of laws; in degree a less matter than union of laws; and in nature separable, not inseparable from union of laws; for naturalization doth but take out the marks of a foreigner, but union of laws makes them entirely as ourselves. Naturalization taketh away separation; but union of laws doth take away distinction. Do we not see, Mr. Speaker, that in the administration of the world under the great monarch, God himself, that his laws are diverse; one law in spirits, another in bodies; one law in regions celestial, another in But for this objection, Mr. Speaker, I purpose elementary; and yet the creatures are all one to answer it, not by the authority of Scriptures, mass or lump, without any "vacuum" or separa- which saith, "Beatius est dare quam accipere," tion? Do we not likewise see in the state of the but by an authority framed and derived from the church, that amongst people of all languages and judgment of ourselves and our ancestors in the lineages there is one communion of saints, and same case as to this point. For, Mr. Speaker, in that we are all fellow-citizens and naturalized of all the line of our kings none useth to carry the heavenly Jerusalem; and yet, nevertheless, greater commendation than his majesty's noble divers and several ecclesiastical laws, policies, progenitor, King Edward, the first of that name; and hierarchies, according to the speech of that and amongst his other commendations, both of worthy father, "In veste varietas sit, scissura non war and policy, none is more celebrated than his VOL. II.-20 purpose and enterprise for the conquest of Scotland, as not bending his designs to glorious acquests abroad, but to solid strength at home; which, nevertheless, if it had succeeded well, could not but have brought in all those inconveniences of the commixture of a more opulent kingdom with a less, that are now alleged. For it is not the yoke, either of our laws or arms, that can alter the nature of the climate or the nature of the soil; neither is it the manner of the commixture that can alter the matter of the commixture: and, therefore, Mr. Speaker, if it were good for us then, it is good for us now, and not to be prized the less because we paid not so dear for it. But a more full answer to this objection I refer over to that, which will come after, to be spoken touching surety and greatness. The fourth objection, Mr. Speaker, is not properly an objection, but rather a pre-occupation of an objection of the other side; for it may be said, and very materially, Whereabout do we contend? The benefit of naturalization is by the law, in as many as have been or shall be born since his majesty's coming to the crown, already settled and invested. There is no more then but to bring the "ante-nati" into the degree of the "postnati," that men grown that have well deserved, may be in no worse case than children which have not deserved, and elder brothers in no worse case than younger brothers; so as we stand upon "quiddam," not "quantum," being but a little difference of time of one generation from another. To this, Mr. Speaker, it is said by some, that the law is not so, but that the "post-nati" are aliens as well as the rest. A point that I mean not much to argue, both because it hath been well spoken to by the gentleman that spoke last before me; and because I do desire in this case and in this place to speak rather of conveniency than of law; only this I will say, that that opinion seems to me contrary to reason of law, contrary to form of pleading in law, and contrary to authority and experience of law. For reason of law, when I meditate of it, methinks the wisdom of the common laws of England, well observed, is admirable in the distribution of the benefit and protection of the laws, according to the several conditions of persons, in an excellent proportion. The degrees are four, but bipartite, two of aliens and two of subjects. The first degree is of an alien born under a king or state, that is an enemy. If such a one come into this kingdom without safe-conduct, it is at his peril: the law giveth him no protection, neither for body, lands, nor goods; so as if he be slain there is no remedy by any appeal at the party's suit, although his wife were an English woman: marry at the king's suit, the case may be otherwise in regard of the offence to the peace. The second degree is of an alien that is born under the faith and allegiance of a king or state that is a friend. Unto such a person the law doth impart a greater benefit and protection, that is, concerning things personal, transitory, and moveable, as goods and chattels, contracts, and the like, but not concerning freehold and inheritance. And the reason is, because he may be an enemy, though he be not; for the state under the obeisance of which he is, may enter into quarrel and hostility; and, therefore, as the law hath but a transitory assurance of him, so it rewards him but with transitory benefits. The third degree is of a subject, who having been an alien, is made free by charter and denization. To such a one the law doth impart yet a more ample benefit; for it gives him power to purchase freehold and inheritance to his own use, and likewise enables the children born after his denization to inherit. But yet nevertheless he cannot make title or convey pedigree from any ancestor paramount; for the law thinks not good to make him in the same degree with a subject born, because he was once an alien, and so might once have been an enemy: and "nemo subito fingitur," men's affections cannot be so settled by any benefit, as when from their nativity they are inbred and inherent. And the fourth degree, which is the perfect degree, is of such a person as neither is enemy, nor could have been enemy in time past, nor can be enemy in time to come; and therefore the law gives unto him the full benefit of naturalization. Now, Mr. Speaker, if these be the true steps and paces of the law, no man can deny but whosoever is born under the king's obedience, never could "in aliquo puncto temporis" be an enemy; a rebel he might be, but no enemy, and therefore in reason of law is naturalized. Nay, contrariwise, he is bound "jure nativitatis" to defend this kingdom of England against all invaders or rebels; and, therefore, as he is obliged to the protection of arms, and that perpetually and universally, so he is to have the perpetual and universal benefit and protection of law, which is naturalization. For form of pleading, it is true that hath been said, that if a man would plead another to be an alien, he must not only set forth negatively and privately, that he was born out of the obedience of our sovereign lord the king, but affirmatively, under the obedience of a foreign king or state in particular, which can never be done in this case. As for authority, I will not press it; you know all what hath been published by the king's proclamation. And for experience of law we see it in the subjects of Ireland, in the subjects of Guernsey and Jersey, parcels of the duchy of Normandy; in the subjects of Calais, when it was English, which was parcel of the crown of France. But, as I said, I am not willing to enter into an argument of law, but to hold myself to point of conveniency, so as for my part I hold all "postnati" naturalized "ipso jure;" but yet I am far from opinion, that it should be a thing superfluous to have it done by parliament; chiefly in respect of that true principle of state, "Principum actiones præcipue ad famam sunt componendæ." It will lift up a sign to all the world of our love towards them, and good agreement with them. And these are, Mr. Speaker, the material objections which have been made on the other side, whereunto you have heard my answers; weigh them in your wisdoms, and so I conclude that general part. Now, Mr. Speaker, according as I promised, I must fill the other balance in expressing unto you the inconveniences which we shall incur, if we shall not proceed to this naturalization: wherein that inconvenience, which above all others, and alone by itself, if there were none other, doth exceedingly move me, and may move you, is a position of estate, collected out of the records of time, which is this: that wheresoever several kingdoms or estates have been united in sovereignty, if that union hath not been fortified and bound in with a farther union, and, namely, that which is now in question, of naturalization, this hath followed, that at one time or other they have broken again, being upon all occasions apt to revolt and relapse to the former separation. Of this assertion the first example which I will set before you, is of that memorable union which was between the Romans and the Latins, which continued from the battle at the lake of Regilla, for many years, unto the consulships of C. Plautius and L. Æmilius Mamercus.* At what time there began, about this very point of naturalization, that war which was called "Bellum sociale," being the most bloody and pernicious war that ever the Roman state endured: wherein, after numbers of battles and infinite sieges and surprises of towns, the Romans in the end prevailed and mastered the Latins; but, as soon as ever they had the honour of the war, looking back into what perdition and confusion they were near to have been brought, they presently naturalized them all. You speak of a naturalization in blood; there was a naturalization indeed in blood. Let me set before you again the example of Sparta, and the rest of Peloponnesus, their associates. The state of Sparta was a nice and jealous state in this point of imparting naturalization to their confederates. But what was the issue of it! After they had held them in a kind of society and amity for divers years, upon the first occasion given, which was no more than the surprisal of the castle of Thebes, by certain desperate conspirators in the habit of maskers, there ensued immediately a general revolt and defection of their * 169 years after that battle. There are extant at this day coins or medals, in memory of a battle fought by this C. Plautius at Privernum. Another copy hath of T. Manlius and P. Decius. 1 associates; which was the ruin of their state, never afterwards to be recovered. Of later times let me lead your consideration to behold the like events in the kingdom of Arragon; which kingdom was united with Castile and the rest of Spain in the persons of Ferdinando and Isabella, and so continued many years; but yet so as it stood a kingdom severed and divided from the rest of the body of Spain in privileges, and directly in this point of naturalization, or capacity of inheritance. What came of this? Thus much, that now of fresh memory, not past twelve years since, only upon the voice of a condemned man out of the grate of a prison towards the street, that cried "Fueros, Libertad, Libertad," which is as much as liberties or privileges, there was raised a dangerous rebellion, which was suppressed with great difficulty with an army royal. After which victory nevertheless, to shun farther inconvenience, their privileges were disannulled, and they were incorporated with Castile and the rest of Spain. Upon so small a spark, notwithstanding so long continuance, were they ready to break and sever again. The like may be said of the states of Florence and Pisa, which city of Pisa being united unto Florence, but not endowed with the benefit of naturalization, upon the first light of foreign assistance, by the expedition of Charles VIII. of France into Italy, did revolt, though it be since again re-united and incorporated. The same effect we see in the most barbarous government, which shows it the rather to be an effect of nature; for it was thought a fit policy by the council of Constantinople, to retain the three provinces of Transylvania, Wallachia, and Moldavia, which were as the very nurses of Constantinople, in respect of their provisions, to the end they might be the less wasted, only under waywoods as vassals and homagers, and not under bashaws, as provinces of the Turkish empire: which policy we see by late experience proved unfortunate, as appeared by the revolt of the same three provinces, under the arms and conduct of Sigismond, Prince of Transylvania; a leader very famous for a time; which revolt is not yet fully recovered. Whereas we seldom or never hear of revolts of provinces incorporated to the Turkish empire. On the other part, Mr. Speaker, because it is true what the logicians say, "Opposita juxta se posita magis elucescunt:" let us take a view, and we shall find that wheresoever kingdoms and states have been united, and that union corroborate, by the bond of mutual naturalization, you shall never observe them afterwards, upon any occasion of trouble or otherwise, to break and sever again: as we see most evidently before our eyes, in divers provinces of France, that is to say, Guienne, Provence, Normandy, Britainy, which, notwithstand ing the infinite infesting troubles of that kingdom, practices and other engines and machinations, to never offered to break again. We see the like effect in all the kingdoms of Spain, which are mutually naturalized, as Leon, Castile, Valentia, Andalusia, Granada, Murcia, Toledo, Catalonia, and the rest, except Arragon, which held the contrary course, and therefore had the contrary success, as was said, and Portugal, of which there is not yet sufficient trial. And, lastly, we see the like effect in our own nation, which never rent asunder after it was once united; so as we now scarce know whether the heptarchy were a true story or a fable. And, therefore, Mr. Speaker, when I revolve with myself these examples and others, so lively expressing the necessity of a naturalization to avoid a relapse into a separation; and do hear so many arguments and scruples made on the other side; it makes me think on the old bishop, which, upon a public disputation of certain Christian divines with some learned men of the heathen, did extremely press to be heard; and they were loath to suffer him, because they knew he was unlearned, though otherwise a holy and well-meaning man: but at last, with much ado, he got to be heard; and when he came to speak, instead of using argument, he did only say over his belief; but did it with such assurance and constancy, as it did strike the minds of those that heard him more than any argument had done. And so, Mr. Speaker, against all these witty and subtle arguments, I say, that I do believe, and I would be sorry to be found a prophet in it, that except we proceed with this naturalization, though perhaps not in his majesty's time, who hath such interest in both nations, yet in the time of his descendants these realms will be in continual danger to divide and break again. Now if any man be of that careless mind, "Maneat nostros ea cura nepotes;" or of that hard mind, to leave things to be tried by the sharpest sword; sure I am, he is not of St. Paul's opinion, who affirmeth, that whosoever useth not foresight and provision for his family, is worse than an unbeliever; much more, if we shall not use foresight for these two kingdoms, that comprehend in them so many families, but leave things open to the peril of future divisions. And thus have I expressed unto you the inconvenience, which, of all others, sinketh deepest with me as the most weighty: neither do there want other inconveniences, Mr. Speaker, the effects and influence whereof, I fear, will not be adjourned to so long a day as this that I have spoken of: for I leave it to your wisdom to consider whether you do not think, in case, by the denial of this naturalization, any pique, alienation, or unkindness, I do not say should be, but should be thought to be, or noised to be between these two nations, whether it will not quicken and excite all the envious and malicious humours, wheresoever, which are now covered, against us, either foreign or at home; and so open the way to the disturbance of this state? As for that other inconvenience of his majesty's engagement to this action, it is too binding and too pressing to be spoken of, and may do better a great deal in your minds than in my mouth, or in the mouth of any man else; because, as I say, it doth press our liberty too far. And, therefore, Mr. Speaker, I come now to the third general part of my division, concerning the benefits which we shall purchase by this knitting of the knot surer and straiter between these two kingdoms, by the communicating of naturalization: the benefits may appear to be two, the one surety, the other greatness. Touching surety, Mr. Speaker, it was well said by Titus Quintius the Roman, touching the state of Peloponnesus, that the tortoise is safe within her shell, Testudo intra tegumen tuta est;" but if there be any parts that lie open, they endanger all the rest. We know well, that although the state at this time be in a happy peace, yet for the time past, the more ancient enemy to this kingdom hath been the French, and the more late the Spaniard; and both these had as it were their several postern gates, whereby they might have approach and entrance to annoy us. France had Scotland, and Spain had Ireland; for these were the two accesses which did comfort and encourage both these enemies to assail and trouble us. We see that of Scotland is cut off by the union of these two kingdoms, if that it shall be now made constant and permanent; that of Ireland is cut off likewise by the convenient situation of the west of Scotland towards the north of Ireland, where the sore was: which we see, being suddenly closed, hath continued closed by means of this salve; so that as now there are no parts of this state exposed to danger to be a temptation to the ambition of foreigners, but their approaches and avenues are taken away: for I do little doubt but those foreigners which had so little success when they had those advantages, will have much less comfort now that they be taken from them and so much for surety. For greatness, Mr. Speaker, I think a man may speak it soberly and without bravery, that this kingdom of England, having Scotland united, Ireland reduced, the sea provinces of the Low Countries contracted, and shipping maintained, is one of the greatest monarchies, in forces truly esteemed, that hath been in the world. For certainly the kingdoms here on earth have a resemblance with the kingdom of heaven, which our Saviour compareth, not to any great kernel or nut, but to a very small grain, yet such a one as is apt to grow and spread; and such do I take to be the constitution of this kingdom; if indeed we shall refer our counsels to greatness and power, and not quench them too much with the consideration of utility and wealth. For, Mr. |