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they have a desire to join reasoning with experience, his dissertations on the decades of Livy are still more deserving their notice. Indeed every thing that came from the pen of Machiavel is super-eminently great; and discovers that he pofsefsed a stretch of thought, and a depth of understanding, that falls to the lot of few of the sons of men. His writings have had

the fate that may ever be expected in cases of the same kind, they have not been understood; and have been represented as difseminating doctrines so ridiculously absurd, that he must have been a fool as well as a villain if he could have entertained these notions for one moment. Even the great Frederick himself, when he ventures to criticise Machiavel, only beats down a man of straw of his own creation. From this circumstance I am convinced that this great man criticised the Italian author, as Voltaire did Shakespeare, without understanding the language in which he wrote; for I can scarcely believe that if he had understood the language, Frederick could so much have mistaken the true scope of Machiavel's arguments. The principe of Machiavel, I have no hesitation in saying it to you, contains more sound sense respecting the art of government, than perhaps any other treatise that has been written since his time; though I should scarcely venture to say this in public, lest I fhould be suspected of favouring arbitrary power, which I detest. But the world are so much in the habit of judging of this author from second hand, that I should not wish to run the gauntlet on the occasion; or to answer all the silly things that would be

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brought forward on that subject. In regard to matters of government, which is a subject too intricate for the common apprehension of mankind, a wise man will in general choose to say little, if he wishes to preserve the good opinion of those with whom he converses; and will allow every one to sport their own notions on the subject, without combating them. This I consider to be a very harmless kind of complaisance, which tends greatly to preserve good humour, and to promote the pleasures of society. Of what consequence is it to the public to prevent men from talking a little nonsense on this as well as other subjects? it only serves to ventilate the spirits, if I may use that phrase, and tọ preserve the habit in a sound temperament. I give you this hint as an excellent rule for regulating your conduct on entering into the world, which if adopted, you will find of much use in your passage through life. Hypocrisy of all kinds I abhor; but in this case there is no use for any kind of hypocrisy a little playful sportiveness is perfectly harmlefs; and under the shelter of that shield you can easily allow opinions to glance by you smoothly, without either directly opposing them, or adopting them as your own.

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I do not however desire you to read the writings of Machiavel till your judgement is matured by experience and observation; for it is then only that you will be able to perceive their merit, and to appreciate their beauties. When you read them, and advert to the time in which he wrote, you will be amazed at the extent of his knowledge. His trea

tise on military tactics, I have been afsured by a very good judge of these matters, has laid the foundation of all the improvements that have taken place in modern times in this branch of science.

Guicciardin writes on a period of history that is lefs perplexed, and his work will prove more interesting to you than that of Machiavel; though you will still find it difficult to follow the vast variety of complicated interests which put such mighty powers in motion at that perplexed period: but Guicciardin writes with such simplicity of manner throughout the whole, that if you once can get a clear view of the objects aimed at by the different parties at the beginning, and the grounds of their respective claims, you will afterwards accompany the historian through all his details with much satisfaction. Very few historians in modern times have a better claim to admiration than Guicciardin.

Bentivoglio is an easy and sprightly writer. One would have scarcely believed it possible for a man to write such a pleasing book on a subject so horrible as he had occasion to treat but what is impofsible for the human genius to accomplish? Bentivoglio gives a detail of the affairs of the Low Countries under the administration of the duke of Alva and his succefsors in a series of letters written in the most agreeable and interesting manner; and although he espoused the cause of a tyrant, yet he represents the struggles of the oppressed rebels, as he calls them, with so much candour and distinctness, that his book will be read with pleasure by the warmest friend to the liberties of mankind. I ques

tion much if you will be able to find a history of that period in any language which will more engage your attention than that work.

But of all the historians of modern times, Davila comes the nearest to the idea that I have formed of perfection in that kind of writing. The subject of his history, (the civil wars in France,) is one of the most dark and intricate periods he could have chosen; and being present himself on the spot, at a time when the minds of all around him were roused into the madness of phrenzy by reciprocal attrocities, one would have supposed that it was impofsible for him to avoid being hurried away by the torrent on one side or the other, beyond the bounds of strict impartiality. But this he never does. He moves forward at all times with a grave and becoming dignity, that appears to be above the influence of those little prejudices which so much affect the conduct of weak minds. His language is every where pure and elegant; and it flows on with an uniformly dignified tenure that has scarcely a parallel. On no occasion does he descend to the puerility of a witticism, and never does he rise into the regions of bombast. He developes the springs of action of the parties concerned, with a perspicuity that has no equal that I have seen. In doing this, indeed, he has adopted a method I never could bear with patience in any other author, that of giving the speeches of the parties in council on extraordinary occasions; a practice common to the Italian historians, and which I cannot approve, but which, under his management, I know not how to condemn; for one would

think it scarcely possible to do it with so much distinctnefs in any other way. This is another instance of the power of genius in respect of literary productions. The history of Davila commands my admiration in a high degree; but he is among the

last writers I would recommend as a model for one who was about to compose a history; for without the singular talents he pofsefsed, it would, like the writings of the imitators of Sterne, be a most execrable performance.

It will be some time after you can read Italian prose with ease, before you can read the poets with satisfaction, and you ought not perhaps to attempt it too soon; for the language of poetry and of prose is, with them, extremely different. While you have the benefit of a teacher, however, you should begin to read poetry, that you may acquire an idea of the peculiarities of that kind of writing; and you will find, contrary to what you would expect, some dramatic writings the easiest: for although you there meet with familiar phrases which require the assistance of a teacher, yet, in the comedies of Goldoni especially, you will find the tone so little elevated above prose, that you will be able to read his works long before you could take pleasure in Talso or Ariosto, far lefs in the lyric compositions of various authors, or the Canzionetti of Petrarco, which is perhaps the most difficult book in the Italian language.

I never yet could much admire the Gierusalemme Liberata of Tafso, which has been so much applauded. The uniformity and perpetual sameness of the mea◄

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