has succeeded in demonstrating heredity on its most difficult side.

A minor work by the same author appeared in 1888 (16). This was of the same character as Darwin's Expression of the Emotions. It was an investigation of the conditions and signs of fatigue among school children. In this case the questionnaire syllabi were distributed among English teachers. There were no very important results aside from the conclusion that the worry incident to mental work is more productive of fatigue than the work itself, and that break-downs more frequently occur during preparation for a profession than during its practice.

About twenty years after Fechner's enquiry into mental imagery, there occurred another of exactly the same character but more extensive at least as far as the application of the questionnaire method is concerned. At some length in "Inquiries into Human Faculty" Galton (17) discusses visual memory and mental imagery in general. This chapter is based almost entirely upon a large number of replies to a number of questions that have since become familiar, regarding the imagery of the morning's breakfast table. He had already found that remarkable variations exist in the strength and quality of imagination and of visual memories, and it occurred to him that a statistical enquiry might throw some "light upon more than one psychological problem." Thus it appears that whereas he describes his work as statistical, he aims at Psychology. He does not confine his respondents to reports of their visual images, but they may speak of the auditory, olfactory, gustatory, tactual, and thermal qualities of their mental images as well. His is a less specific syllabus than that used by Darwin in his study of emotions, and those employed by Galton himself in his examination of the natural history of scientists, and of the expression of fatigue. But it enters into introspective Psychology, as Fechner's questions had done before, and, indeed, in at least one instance-when it calls for a full explanation of how far the respondent's mental processes in blindfold chess playing depend upon the use of visual images, and how far otherwise-it requires a delicacy of introspective analysis that can hardly be assumed to lie within the power of those unaccustomed to psychological investigations.

Both Darwin's and Galton's results have amply justified their means. They have made valuable contributions to Anthropology, and Galton especially, to Psychology.

It is probable that the "Inquiries into Human Faculty" had some influence upon the great French physician and writer, Jean Charcot (11). Charcot's scientific interest was very wide. It led him into the same problem with which we have

just now associated the names of Fechner and Galton; mental imagery. He refers to Galton's introduction to the chapter on mental imagery in which variations in memory and imagination are discussed, and adds that in all psychological studies one must defer to experience.

For his own knowledge of these variations, however, he did not depend upon the written questionnaire. Observation by eye and ear was his invariable means of enquiry. Inasmuch as his mode of investigation is that of clinical medicine, it might be called the clinical method of research in Psychology. It is adapted to attacking Psychology from the side of pathology. It investigates any phenomenon presented in an individual of pathological condition which makes it necessary for us to presuppose a peculiar quality of mind.

It is said by Th. Ribot (39) that shortly after Charcot organized the "Société de la Psychologie physiologique," in 1885, the society as a whole undertook to solve the problem of psychological heredity by the method of questionnaire. Charcot himself, however, was concerned in it only as a member of the society and had little confidence in the plan. The returns were found unmanageable on account of their mass and since 1887 they have lain in the dust.

An investigation of habitual movements in writing and drawing by M. Charles Henry (28) is another striking illustration of the application of the questionnaire method to problems in adult human Psychology. It is a question of æsthetics and furnished the cue which led J. Hericourt (29) to study the same problem by means of a more specific questionnaire.

Hericourt asked his respondents for their habitual procedure in tracing a circumference, and, to bring out the connection between each individual's mode of graphically representing figures and his general motor reactions, he required each respondent to add to his reply a few representative lines of his handwriting. Further, in order to make a study of differences in personal error and illusions of sense, each respondent was asked to divide a right angle by eye into four equal parts. He hoped, by this investigation to discover elements which would furnish a basis for the study of writing considered in its connection with the "character of personality." Hericourt, in his instructions to his respondents, insisted upon a very important point; that in meeting each requirement:-to divide a right angle; draw a circle and describe the mode of procedure-draw four radii of this circle from a right angle-give a few lines of natural handwriting-the movements must be made very quickly. Otherwise, he believed, he could not discover the habitual procedure but something that is the product of reflection.

A little later than this is an example of a less specific ques

tionnaire investigation in France, undertaken by the faculty of medicine of Lyons, which was directed by M. LaCassagne (32). The syllabus was distributed through the columns of the Re- ✓ vue Scientifique. The research was intended to be a study of sensation, the quality of memory, and the mode of functioning of the centres of language and ideation. The questions were many and long and the answers difficult even for those who are initiated into psychological research. There were questions designed to bring out the normal or the defective quality of vision and audition; on visual and auditory memory; on memory for tastes and smells; on the manner of thinking, whether by the aid of verbal-auditory, verbal-visual, or verbal-articulatory imagination; on the visual, auditory, or other quality of dreams and hallucinations; on the respondents mental habit— analytic or synthetic. This outline indicates only the ground which the questions cover. It is needless to say that because of the wide range of topics, and the intricate, sometimes vague character of the questions, the proposed investigation was an absolute failure. Not a sufficient number of returns was received to afford a basis for results.

A similar method of distributing questions was adopted by the affiliated English and American societies for Psychical Research (36).

Their question lists are rarely specific. They often consist only in a general invitation to the public, through the publications of the societies, to make any communications they may desire respecting psychic experiences. Thus in the first volume of the Proceedings of the Society for Psychic Research is the following announcement:-"The council desire to conduct their investigation as far as possible through private channels; they invite communications from any person whether intending to join the society or not, who may be disposed to favor them with a record of experiences, or with suggestions for enquiry or experiment." (36, p.4.) Again, in the same volume, Circular No. I entitled "General Work of the Society," we find the following: "We shall be grateful, therefore, to all persons whether members of our society or others, who will undertake a series of experiments and will forward the results to us. These results will be collated and summarized, and the whole or a portion of the evidence will be eventually published, together with any general conclusions and observations that may be suggested by it. We must especially urge, however, that those who are willing thus to co-operate with us will accurately record the results of every experiment made; we do not desire selected results." (36, p. 297.)

The committee on spiritualistic phenomena earnestly request similar reports but urge that the respondents should specify

V

whether the phenomena reported came under the observation of more than one person, and if so, whether their accounts were consistent. An exact description of the conditions of each observation also is requested (36, p. 300).

Ribot says (39) of the French society for Psychic Research that it limits the number of persons to whom questions are sent ✓ to twenty-five. The other societies, of which there are several, as at Berlin, Munich, and Stockholm, and the "Société de psychologie physiologique' in France, which has to some extent investigated telepathy, employ no methods different from those which have been mentioned. As W. F. Barrett, then vice-president of the English society, stated in Boston in 1884 (5) the ultimate aim of these societies is to explain thought transference and other phenomena on scientific grounds and not on the supposed supernatural powers of mediums. It is with this ideal in mind that Frank Podmore, in his introduction to "Apparitions and Thought Transference" (35), speaks of the various sources of error in human testimony, and concludes that it is doubtful if we are justified in attaching much weight to the phenomena of telepathic hallucination and clairvoyance "if the alleged observations were incapable of experimental verification." In such a fascinating field of enquiry as this even an indefinite questionnaire is very likely to reap a full harvest of returns from different social strata. For this reason alone discredit easily attaches to the returns and the development of the science of psychology of so-called supernatural phenomena is thereby hindered. Mr. Podmore's attitude is, therefore, especially worthy of a man who claims to belong to the family of scientists. The adoption of this attitude, at least to the extent of applying the questionnaire method, and working up its results with increasing caution, by Genetic Psychologists, marks the progress of this difficult science.

Finally we are ready to speak of this method as it is applied to child study-or Genetic Psychology-in which it attracts most attention among us to-day.

An important early step in this direction has already been mentioned; Sigismund's Kind und Welt. Educational statistics were sorely needed; especially such as should take account not only of the number of children of a given age in and out of school, but of the conditions under which they live and of their stock of ideas. At about the time that Kind und Welt appeared a statistical bureau was founded in Berlin (43) which, in 1862, published a year book of statistics. This publication was temporarily interrupted in 1865. It encouraged educational statistics of all kinds, and those who were interested in computations relating to schools found in it a ready helper.

We have now a series of oral questionnaires covering a wide

range of topics and designed to bring out the contents of children's minds for psychological or pedagogical purposes. first of these was the work of Prof. Stoy, of Jena, in 1864 (44). A number of children were questioned in his seminary regarding objects in their environment, in order to find not only the extent of their range of ideas, but to arrive at a classification of their interests. This work was carried on for a considerable time, but the results were never published, probably because Prof. Stoy removed to Heidelberg before the matter was in satisfactory condition for the press.

The second attempt was made by the Berliner pädagogische↓ Verein. Hartmann (26) is authority for the statement that this work was suggested directly by Sigismund's volume. An anonymous translation (2) of the report, however, attributes it to the influence of Otto Willmann (47) who, in the winter of 1867-1868, lectured on psychology before the pädagogische Verein, and one of whose books was read by the society within that season. At any rate, in October, 1869, a circular letter signed by R. Schobert, president of the society, was addressed to all principals of the Volkschulen in Berlin. To this letter were appended 75 questions framed with respect to urban conditions in Berlin. It was proposed to discover the contents of the minds of children just entering the schools of the city of Berlin by means of this questionnaire. "It is not at all impossible to investigate the causes-at least partly-to which the dissimilarity of the pupils on the one hand and their similarity on the other may be traced." It was hoped that the answers to these ✓ questions would show what related ideas the children possessed. Preliminary enquiries which were made to aid in forming a list of questions showed that a large percentage of urban children have such an inadequate idea of mountain, forest, etc., as to make their instruction difficult, inasmuch as the books and charts in use in the schools at that time were adapted to the needs of rural rather than city children. For this reason the country pupils, when they enter the urban schools, soon surpass their new companions. Of the 84 reports received from school principals in reply to the first questionnaire, thirteen were worthless, and a new list of questions was prepared. This included such as these: How many have brothers and sisters have servants-have a dog or cat-have a bird-know the colors blue, red, etc.,-have seen a shoemaker-watchmaker -soldier-farmer-pedlar-all at work-how many know how bread is made from grain? In this test fourteen children were present in every case during the quizzing. This suggests the ✓ enquiry whether some of the children would not have an advantage over others according as they were questioned last or first. Of the replies to this questionnaire only 1,085 were