The Court ordered Bertrande de Rols, and feveral other Perfons, whom the Accufed had cited, to answer upon Interroga tories, which they did. Bertrande anfwered in a Manner that agreed exactly with all that the Accufed had advanced, except B that the related the Story of his being bewitched for eight or nine Years, which he had emitted, and fhe was very particular as to the Circumftances thereof, and to that heroick Inftance of her Virtue in not getting a Divorce from him, as advifed by her Relations. He was then queftioned as to that Point, and his C Replies were fuch as tallied exactly, with what Bertrande had faid; he repeated all that had been done to free them from that Enchantment, and never once faltred in the flighteft Circumftance. He was next confronted with the Woman he called his Wife, and with all the Witneffes; upon which he renewed his Demand, that the D might be kept fafely and apart from his Enemies, which was granted. He offered certain Objections to the Credit of the Witnelles produced against him, and required that a Monitory fhould be published, exhorting all Perfons to come in and give what Light they could as to the Subernation of Bertrande de Rols, and theCha. E racters of the Witneffes he had impeached. This was allowed him. But at the fame time it was directed that an Inquis fition fhould be taken at the feveral Places following, viz. at Pin, at Sagias, and at Artigues, of all the Facts which might concern Martin Guerre, the Accufed, and Bertrande de Rols, and the Reputation of F the Witneffes. All the Difcoveries upon thefe Proceedings were perfectly favourable to Bertrande, confirmed her virtuous Character, and proved that the had not Loft her Senfes during the Abfence of her Husband, as the Pleading fuggefted. G In refpect to the Accused, of near One hundred and fifty Witnelles that were examined, between thirty and forty depofed that he was really Martin Guerre, that they had known him, and converfed with him from his Infancy; that they were perfectly acquainted with his Perion, Air, and Tone of Voice; and that they moreover were convinced of the Truth of H what they aflerted, by certain Scars and fecret Marks, which it was impuilible for Time to efface, On the other hand, a greater Number of Witnefes depufed pofitively, that he was one Arnold du Tilh, of Sagias, and was commonly called Panfette, and that they were perfectly acquainted with his Perfon, Air and Voice. The rest of the Witneffes, to the Number of fixty and upwards, declared that there was fo ftrong a Refemblance between thefe two Perfons, that is was impoffible for them to declare pofitively, whether the Accufed was Martin Guerre, or Arnold du Tilh. The Criminal Judge of Rieux orde ed two Enquiries, and Reports to be made to him; one with regard to the Likeness or Unlikeness of Sanxi Guerre to the Accufed; the other as to the Likeness of the fame Child to the Sifters of Martin Guerre. On the first, it was found that Sanxi did not refemble the Accufed at all, and on the fecond, that he was very like his Father's Sifters. In fhort, upon these Circumftances, this Judge thought proper to pronounce definitive Sentence, as follows: That (the Accused) Arnold du Tilh_is guilty and convicted of being an Impoftor, and for that Crime is condemned to lose his Head, and further, that his Body be afterwards divided into four Quarters. This Judgment was by many accounted too quick, and too fevere; for, without arrogating to himself divine Inspiration, People were at a Lofs to know on what Grounds the Judge of Rieux founded his Decifion, Matters appearing to other Eyes fo perplexed, that thefe who were well acquainted with the Proofs on both Sides, knew not what to make of the Matter. The Publick, therefore, was far from being difpleafed, that the Convict appealed to the Parliament of Tholoufe ; this extraordinary Caufe now making a great Noile, every one began to regard it with the utmost Attention. and That Auguft Affembly, having received proper Information of what had been done below, began to take all the neceffary Measures for a further Enquiry, with the utmoft Caution. In the first place they ordered Peter Guerre and Bertrande de Rols to be confronted, in open Court, with the Perfon whom they accused, but fing ly one after the other. In thefe Confrontations the Accufed maintained fo teady a Countenance, fpoke with fuch an Air of Allurance and Truth, and anfwered every Queftion with fuch Quicknofs and Perfpicuity, that the Members of that Venerable Tribunal readily concluded that he was the true Martin Guerrei While, on the other hand, the Tenor and Confufion of Peter Guerre and Ber trando de Rols was fo great, that they created Y created ftrong Sufpicions of their being perjured and falfe Accufers. But as thefe Circumftances could not be confidered as full Evidence, an Inquifition was ordered as to the principal Facts in Difpute, with this Limitation, that none but new Witneffes fhould be examined. This wife and prudent Ordinance of the Parliament of Tholoufe was fo far from procuring any new Lights, that it ferved only to render this intricate Affair ftill more obfcure than it was before. Thirty new Witnesses were examined; nine or ten of these were politive that the accused was Martin Guerre; seven or eight were as pofitive that he was Arnold du Tilh. The reft having weighed all Circumstances, and being afraid of injuring their Confciences, declared plainly, that they could not fwear which he was. The Parliament were now more in Doubt than ever, they could not concur with the Criminal Judge of Rieux, and yet they were afraid of difcharging the Accufed; but, in order to put an End to fo odd a Caufe, they fummed up the Proofs on both Sides. A B that Martin Guerre was dexterous in Fen cing and Wrestling, whereas this Man knew nothing of the Matter. John Espagnol, who kept a Publick-Houfe, declared, that the Accused acknowledged to him that he was not Martin Guerre. Valentine Rougie depofed, that the Perfon accused, perceiving that he knew him to be Arnold du Tilh, made a Sign to him with his Finger, that he fhould fay nothing. John de Liberos depofed to the fame Effect, and added, that the Accufed gave him two Handkerchiefs, with a ftrict Charge to deliver. There were alfo fome hearfay one of them to John du Tilk his Evidences produced, which M. Coras, fays, tho' the Law does not admit when paffing thro' feveral different Mouths, yet is confider'd when heard from Accufed, or the first Author. Two Perfons fwore that a Soldier of Rochfort, palling through C Artigues, was furprized that the Accused called himfelf Martin Gaerre, declaring aloud, that he was a notorious Impoftor, for that Martin Guerre was in Flanders, and had a wooden Leg, in the Room of one he loft before St Quintin, in the Battle of St Lawrence. They confider'd also the Report that Sanxi Guerre did not at all refemble the Accufed. It was added, that Martin Guerre was a Biscayan, where the Language is very different, not only from French, but from the Gafcoon; but the Accufed could not fpeak the Bafque, tho' he took Pains to mingle a few Words with his French, ufing them with a vifible Affectation. There was alfo a Number of Witnees who depofed, that Arnold du Tilh had from his Infancy the moft wicked Inclinations, and that lince he has been hardened in Wickedness, a great Pilferer and Swearer, a Defier of God, and a Blafphemer; confequently, every way capable of the Crime laid to his Charge, and that an obftinate perfifting to act a falfe Part was exactly fuitable to his Character. Thefe Circumstances bore hard upon him. Ꭰ On one hand it appeared that fortyfive Witnelles had affirmed, in Terms the molt exprefs, that he was not Martin Guerre, but Arnold du Tilh, which they faid they were the better enabled to do, because they had known both Perfons intimately, eat and drank with them, and converfed conftantly with them from their very Childhood; nay, fome of them went ftill farther: For Carbon Barreau, Uncle by the Mother's Side of Arnold du Tilh, E acknowledged that he was his Nephew, and obferving the Irons that were upon his Legs, bitterly lamented, his Misfortune in having a Relation in fuch Circumftances; he farther faid, that he had at times been concerned in feveral Contracts with his Nephew, and he actually produced thofe Writings figned by Arnold de Tilh. Moft of thefe Witnefits agreed that Martin Guerre was taller, and of a darker Complexion, that he was fle der In his Body and Legs, ftooping in the Shoulders, his Chin forked and rurning up, his lower Lip hanging, his Nofe large and flat, the Mark of an Ulcer in his Face, and a Scar in his right Eye-brow; whereas Arnaud du Tilh was a fquat well-fet Man, having thick Legs, did not ftoop, neither had he a flat Nofe, but in his Face indeed he had the fame Marks with Martin Guerre. The Shoemaker, who used to make Shoes for Martin Guerre, depofed that H Martin's Foot reached to the Twelfth Size, whereas the Foot of the Accufed reached no farther than the Ninth. Another fwore On the other hand, there were thirty or forty Witnefics, who fwore that he was really Martin Guerre, that they knew him intimately, and remember'd him from his Childhood; among thefe, the four Sifters of Martin Guerre, who were all brought up with him, and who had all the Reputation of being Wemen of good Senfe; and two of their Husbands, Brothers-in-Law to Martin Guerre. Such as were prefent at the Nuptials of Martin Guerre and Bertrande de Rols, depofed in Favour of the Accufed; Catherine Boere in particular faid, that when the carried the Medianoche, (or what we call the Suck Sack-Poffet) after they were in Bed, the faw Bertrande's Spoufe, and that the Perfon now accufed was the fame. The greatest Part of thefe Witnefles agreed, that Martin Guerre had two Scars in his Face, that his left Eye was Blood-fhot, the Nail of his firft Finger grown in, that A he had three Warts on his right Hand, and another on his little Finger; all which Marks the Accused had. Other Witnefles depofed that Peter Guerre and his Sons-in-Law had laid a Plot to ruin the Accufed; that they had founded John Loze, the Conful of Palhos, to know if he would advance Money for B that End; that he refused, and told them that Martin Guerre was his Kinfman, and that he would rather give Money to fave than undo him; that Peter Guerre and his Cabal profecuted the Accufed contrary to the Will of his Wife, and that many had heard him fay that the Accused was Mar-C tin Guerre, his Nephew. towards the Accufed at the Tryal. When fhe was confronted with him, the Accufed challenged her, upon the Solemnity of an Oath, to acknowledge him; made her Judge in her own Caufe; told her that he fubmitted to fuffer Death, if fhe would fwear that he was not her Husband. But what Answer did she make? Why, that he would take no Oath, nor yet believe him. Was not this as if he had faid, Tho' I cannot deny the Truth, which speaks for you, and 'condemns me, I am loth to acknowledge it, tho' driven to it, because I am gone too far to retreat.' As to her Behaviour towards the Accufed before the Profecution, fhe lived with him near four Years without complaining. She be haved herself dutifully, as a Wife ought to a Husband under the endearing Tyes of Matrimony; and thus it was pleaded in his Favour. Was this because the Accufed had fo perfect a Conformity with Martin Guerre, that his Wife could not perceive the leaft Difference? Was Nature fo intent on making them resemble one another, that the refolved the Wife fhould not be able to find the Mistake? In a Body fo like, would fhe lodge a Soul D of the fame Character? For Bertrande alledged no Difference at all in that respect. When fhe was told by fomebody that the Accufed was not Martin Guerre, did fhe not give him the Lye? Did fhe not declare that she knew him better than any body, and that fhe would murder thofe who affirm'd the contrary? And to fhew that it was not poffible the Accused should be any other than Martin Guerre, did fhe not fay, That it was He, or the Devil in his Skin? How often did fhe complain of Peter Guerre and his Wife, who is her Mother, because they would force her to profecute the Accused for an Impostor ! Did not they threaten to drive her out of her Houfe, if fhe did not come into their Meafures? 'Tis plain therefore that fhe is led afide at prefent, and a Slave to the Paflion of Peter Guerre and her Mother. Almost all the Witneffes declared, that when the Accused arrived at Artigues, he faluted by Name all Martin Guerre's familiar Acquaintance; that to those who hardly remember'd him he recalled to mind the Places where they had been, the Diverfions and Entertainments they had partaken, ten, fifteen, twenty Years back, as if they had newly happened; and, what is more remarkable, made himself known to Bertrande de Rols, by reviving in her Memory the Mysteries of the Nuptial Bed, and other the moft fccret Circumstances. He faid also after the firft Salute, Go look for my Taffety Breeches with the White Lining, which 'I left in a Cheft.' She owned the Matter of Fact, and faid the found & Breeches in the Cheft,not knowing they were there. Pafquier fays, that the Accufed told, of bimfelt, an Adventure that Martin Guerre. met with in the Country where he went with his Wife. There were only two Beds, for Martin, his Wife, a Brother and a Sifter; the two Women lay in one, the two Men in the other; Martin Guerre, while his Bedfellow was afleep, finding conjugal like other Love heightned by difficulty, ftole to his Wife, whom he G found awake, and went back to the other Bed before Day! Add to this the perfect Refemblance of the Accufed to the Sifters of Martin Guerre, both in their Air and the Features of their Faces, fo that thofe who witness'd this faid, Eggs were not more alike.. Moreover, what ought not to leave the leaft Doubt, but fet in a full Light all the Fraud and Malice of the Profecutors, is theBehaviour of Bertrande du Rols herself F H It was alledged further, that the Accufed, having been imprifon'd by the Senefchal of Tholoufe at the Suit of John d'Efcornebeuf, who was privately instigated thereto by Peter Guerre, it was confidently objected to him, that he was not Martin Guerre; and Bertrande de Rols complained that Peter Guerre and his Wife were continually folliciting her to enter a Profecution against the Afed in her own Name, to l of a Capital Crims the Senefcha's 1 of Difagreement(un Appointement de Contrariete) and returning ho ae, his Wife (as he called her) received nim with all poffible Kindnefs, gave him a new Shirt, washed his Feet, and went to Bed to him as ufual, and yet the nextMorning he was hurried to Prifon by Peter Guerre, by Virtue of a Paper figned by her, the Night before, even the Night in which the had expreffed all this Fondness for him, nay, fhe had difcovered her Tendernefs fince his being in Prifon, by lending him Money and Cloaths. A It would be too tedious to infert at B large the Pleadings of the Lawyers on this very perplexed Affair. Never were any Arguings more elegant, deliver'd with greater Energy, or more charming than thofe of the Advocates on each Side, as they are cited by M. Coras, the origi nal Reporter of this Cafe; but, after all their Harangues, the Parliament was ftill in Doubt, and at last, considering the Nicety of the Cafe, and the Confequence of annulling a Marriage, and illegitimating a Child, they began to incline to the Part of the Accused, and had Thoughts of reverfing the Judgment of the Inferior Judge. [To be concluded in our next.] CONCLUSION of the LIFE of Dr BOERHAAVE, from p. 114. O far was this weak and injudicious Attack from thaking a Reputation, not cafually raised by Fashion or Caprice, but founded upon folid Merit, that the fame Year his Correfpondence was defired upon Botany and Natural Philofophy by the Academy of Sciences at Paris, of which he was, upon the Death of Count Marfigli, in the Year 1728, elected a Member. Nor were the French the only Nation by which this great Man was courted and diftinguifhed, for two Years after he was elected Fellow of our Royal Society. It cannot be doubted, but thus carcis'd, and honoured with the highett and most publick Marks of Esteem by other Na D F G tions, he became more celebrated in the Univerfity; for Boerhaave was not one of thofe learned Men, of whom the World has feen too many, that difgrace their Studies by their Vices, and by unaccountable Weakneffes make themfelves ridicu lous at home, while their Writings procure them the Veneration of diftant Coun. H tries, where their Learning is known, but not their Fullies. Not that his Countrymen can be charged with being infenfible of his Excellencies till other Nations taught them to admire him; for in 1718 he was cho fen to fucceed Le Mort in the Profeffor. fhip of Chemistry, on which Occafion he pronounced an Oration De Chemia errores fuos expurgante, in which he treated that Science with an Elegance of Stile not often to be found in chemical Writers, who seem generally to have affected nor only a barbarous, but unintelligible Phrafe, and to have, like the Pythagoreans of old, wrapt up their Secrets in Symbols and Enigmatical Expreflions, either because they believed that Mankind would reverence most what they leaft underitood, or because they wrote not from Benevolence but Vanity, and were de firous to be praised for their Knowledge, though they could not prevail upon themfelves to communicate it. In 1722, his Courfe both of Lectures and Practice was interrupted by the Gout, which, as he relates it in his Specch after his Recovery, he brought upon himfelf, by an imprudent Confidence in the Strength of his own Conftitution, and by tranfgreffing thofe Rules which he had a thousand times inculcated to his Pupils and Acquaintance. Riling in the Morning before Day, he went immediately, hot and fweating, from his Bed into the open Air, and expofed himself to the cold Dews. The Hiftory of his Illness can hardly be read without Horror: He was for five My upon his Back without daring to atMonths confined to his Bed, where he tempt the leaft Motion, becaufe Effort any renewed his Torments, which were fo exquifite, that he was at length not only deprived of Motion but of Senfe. Here Art was at a stand, nothing could be attempted, because nothing could be pro pofed with the leaft Profpect of Succefs. At length having, in the fixth Month of his Illness, obtained fome Remiffion, he took fimple Medicines in large Quantities, and at length wonderfully recovered. * His Recovery, fo much delired, and fo unexpected, was celebrated on Jan. 11, with general Joy and publick Illumina1723, when he open'd his School again" tions. It would be an Injury to the Memory of Boerhaave not to mention what was related by himfelf to one of his Friends, That when he lay whole Days and Nights without Sleep, he found no Method of diverting Succos preffos bibit Nofter herbarum Cichoreae, Endiviae, Fumariae, Nafturtii aquatici, Veronicae aquaticae latifoliae, copia ingenti: Simul deglutiens abundantiffime gummi ferulacea Apatica. alverting his Thoughts fo effectual as Meditation upon his Studies, and that he often relieved and mitigated the Senfe of his Torments, by the Recollection of what he had read, and by reviewing thofe Stores of Knowledge which he had repofited in his Memory. This is perhaps an Inftance of Fortitude and iteady Compofure of Mind, which would have been for ever the Boaft of the Stoick Schools, and increased the Reputation of Seneca or Cato. The Patience of Boerhaave, as it was more rational, was more lafting than theirs; it was that Patientia Chriftiana which Lipfius, the great Mafler of the Stoical Phi lofophy, begged of God in his last Hours; it was founded on Religion, not Vanity, not on vain Reasonings, but on Confi dence in God. In 1727 he was feized with a violent Burning Fever, which continued fo long that he was once more given up by his Friends. From this time he was frequently af flisted with Returns of his Distemper, which yet did not fo far fubdue him, as to make him lay afide his Studies or his Lectures, till in 1726 he found himfelt fo worn out, that it was improper for him to continue any longer the Profefforfhips of Botany and Chymiftry, which he therefore refigned April 28, and upon his Refignation fpoke a Sermo Academicus, or Oration, in which he afferts the Power and Wifdom of the Creator from the wonderful Fabric of the Human Body; and confutes all thofe idle Reafon ers who pretend to explain the Formation of Parts, or the animal Operations, to which he proves that Art can produce nothing equal, nor any thing parallel, One Inftance I fhall mention, which is produced by him, of the Vanity of any Attempt to rival the Work of God. Nothing is more boafted by the Admirers of Chemistry, than that they can, by artifi cial Heats and Digestion, imitate the Productions of Nature. Let thefe Heroes. of Science meet together, fays Boerhaave, let them take Bread and Wine, the Food that forms the Blood of Man, and by Aimilation contributes to the Growth of the Body: Let them try all their Arts, they shall not be able from these Materials to produce a fingle Drop of Blood. So much is the most common Act of Nature beyond the utmost Efforts of the moft extended Science ! From this Time Boerhaave lived with lefs publick Employment indeed, but nor an idle or an ufelefs Lite; for, befides his Hours spent in instructing his Scho lars, a great Part of his Time was taken up by Patients which came, when the Difemper would admit it, from all Parts of Europe to confult him, or by Letters which, in more urgent Cafes, were conA tinually fent to enquire his Opinion, and ask his Advice. Of his Sagacity, and the wonderful Penetration with which he often difcover'd and defcrib'd, at the first Sight of a Patient, fuch Diftempers as betray themfelves by no Symptoms to common Eyes, fuch wonderful Relations have been spread B over World, as, though attefted beyond doubt, can fcarcely be credited. I mention none of them, because I have no Opportunity of collecting Teftimonies, or diftinguishing between thofe Accounts which are well proved, and those which owe their Rife to Fiction and Credulity. C Yet I cannot but implore, with the greatest Earneftness, such as have been converfant with this great Man, that they will not fo far neglect the common Interett of Mankind, as to fuffer any of thefe Circumstances to be loft to Pofterity. Men are generally idle, and ready to fatisfy themselves, and intimidate the InduDitry of others, by calling that impoffible which is only difficult. The Skill to which Boerhaave attained, by a long and unwearied Obfervation of Nature, ought therefore to be tranfmitted in all its Particulars to future Ages, that his Succeffors may be afhamed to fall below him, and that none may hereafter excufe his Ignorance by pleading the Impoffibility of clearer Knowledge. F Yet fo far was this great Master from prefumptuous Confidence in his Abilities, that in his Examinations of the Sick he was remarkably circumftantial and particular. He well knew that the Originals of Distempers are often at a Distance from their vifible Effects, that to conjecture where Certainty may be obtained, is either Vanity or Negligence, and that Life is not to be facrificed, either to an Affec tation of quick Difcernment, or of crowdGed Practice, but may be required, if trifled away, at the Hand of the Physician. About the Middle of the Year 1737, he felt the firft Approaches of that fatal Ilinefs that brought him to the Grave, of which we have inferted an Account written by himself Sept. 8, 1738, to a Friend at London; which deferves not only Actas, labor, corporifque opima pinguetudo, effecerant, ante annum, ut inert bus refertum, grave, hebes, plenitudine turgens corpus, anhelum ad motus minimos, cum fenfu fuilocutionis, |