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KILPATRICK, W. H. The Montessori Method Examined.

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tive attitude

the social, psychological,

and scientific

tendencies of

modern times,

Progress since the Eighteenth Century. The dis- The destruccussion of present day tendencies that has just been of the eightmade, while very brief, serves to show how far we have eenth century prepared progressed in educational ideals and practices since the the way for eighteenth century. And even the mere survey of modern movements given in the preceding chapters of this book is sufficient to show how radical and rapid has been our progress since Rousseau undertook so ruthlessly to shatter all educational traditions. His recommendation of isolated education, so palpable in its fallacies, opened the way for the numerous social tendencies in modern education and for great improvement in the aim, organization, and content of education. The development of philanthropic education, which has grown everywhere into universal and national systems of schools, the combination of industrial with intellectual training started by Pestalozzi and Fellenberg, the Herbartian use of history and literature for giving us insight into our duties toward our fellows, Froebel's encouragement of the social instincts by means of stories, songs, play, and constructive work, and many of the modern tendencies looking to social welfare in all directions find some of their roots in the erratic reformer of the eighteenth century who cried aloud for a radical change of front in society. Likewise, by his absolute rejection

and, although

modern move

of books and the standardized knowledge of the past,
and his substitution of nature study and observational
work, Rousseau opened the way to an increased use of
sciences in the modern curriculum and to a more definite
crystallization of the scientific movement in education.
In partial sequence, we have seen the development of
geography, nature study, and elementary science through
Basedow, Salzmann, Pestalozzi, Ritter, Guyot, and
Parker, the encouragement of scientific and technical
institutions and courses in modern education, and the
development of the positions of Spencer, Huxley, You-
mans, and Eliot. Through Rousseau, too, was indirectly
started the study of the child's development and the
formulation of his characteristics at different periods, and
thus was begun the development of the psychological
movement in modern instruction and the remarkable
improvements in method. Rousseau, and to a large
extent Pestalozzi, made their advances purely through
a sympathetic insight into the activities of the child,
but with Herbart and Froebel the educational process
began to find its justification in an underlying basis of
psychology. Then, through the new impulse of evolu-
tionary doctrine, extraordinary developments in genetic
psychology, the biological sciences, and sociology yielded
a body of educational doctrine and practice that has
made possible methods of the most accurate and scientific

The Eighteenth Century as the Beginning of Modern many of the Times. Of course modern education has advanced infinitely beyond anything even implied in Rousseau or any of the reformers of the past century. The educational movements now going on were far in advance of

ments were beyond the

vision of the reformers,

cation may

with the in


their ken. They may upon occasion have intuitively modern edufelt the need of improved conditions in society and more be interpreted natural practices in education, but such movements as as beginning vocational and moral training, the education of defect- dividualistic ives, and the use of scientific measurements in educa- tions of Roustion were much beyond the range of their vision. At seau. times they seem to catch a glimpse of the idea of 'natural development,' but they could have had no inkling of the real meaning of evolution and of education as adjustment, which has become fundamental in the view-point and practice of to-day. Yet it is scarcely a strained interpretation to hold that modern education began in the eighteenth century with the effort at eradicating the past and beginning progress anew upon a more natural basis. As indicated in this and previous volumes,1 educational history may be viewed from the standpoint of the development of individualism, and it has been held that by permitting variations in the social world, just as it has long been recognized in biology, there are evolved and fixed new types that will answer to changed conditions, and growth and progress will ensue without the intervention of conflict and cataclysm.

From this point of view, the eighteenth century and Rousseau mark the parting of the ways. To follow this interpretation back to the beginning, it may be stated that during the day of primitive man no distinction at all was made between society and the individual, and practically all advancement was impossible, for no one looked beyond the present. With the appearance of the transitional period in the Oriental countries, the indi

1 See History of Education before the Middle Ages, pp. 295f., and History of Education during the Transition, pp. 315ff.

vidual had begun to emerge, but was kept in constant subjection to the social whole, for man was quite enslaved to the past. As the Jewish, Athenian, and Roman civilizations developed, the beginnings of individualism were for the first time revealed, and some regard was had for the future. Then, in the teachings of Christ, there came a larger recognition of the principle of individualism and the brotherhood of man. Owing to a necessity for spreading these enlarged ideals among a barbarous horde of peoples, individualism was repressed, and throughout the Middle Ages the keynote was adherence to authority and preparation for the life to come. The cultural products of Greece and Rome largely disappeared, and all civilization was restricted, fixed, and formal. But the human spirit could not be forever held in bondage, and, after almost a millennium of repression and uniformity, various factors that had accumulated within the Middle Ages produced an intellectual awakening that we know as the 'Renaissance.' Its vitality lasted during the fifteenth century in Italy and to the close of the sixteenth in the Northern countries, but by the dawn of the seventeenth century it had everywhere degenerated into a dry and dead study of the classics. This constituted a formalism almost as dense as that it had superseded, except that linguistic and literary studies had replaced dialectic and theology. A little later than the spread of the Renaissance, though overlapping it somewhat, came the allied movement of the 'Reformation.' This grew in part out of the disposition of the Northern Renaissance to turn to social and moral account the revived intelligence and learning. Yet here also the revival lost its mission, and the tendency to rely upon

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