satisfied his countrymen that he is not calculated to shine as a war-minister.--President Adams, with considerable energy and activity, is deemed deficient in the temper which is necessary for the occupier of a ministerial station. Mr. Randolph is known to the public, on this side of the water, only by his speeches. His figure, says Mr. L., is tall and emaciated, but the disadvantages of a first impression are soon removed by the vivacity of his conversation. He is not gifted, however, with those accommodating manners which are necessary to connect a body of men together, so that his speeches are to be considered rather as the effusions of an individual than the declarations of a party. Mr. Gallatin, who has so long appeared in the capacity of Secretary to the Treasury, is a native of Geneva, and removed to America about the year 1779. The first part of his career was not creditable to his patriotism, and he is considered as owing his place chiefly to his dexterity in financial details.

The late Joel Barlow was of an age that enabled him to discharge the office of chaplain to a brigade in the revolutionary war; and, at the peace, he made an attempt to enter on the profession of the law. His "Vision of Columbus" was first published in 1787: but neither law nor poetry proving sufficiently profitable, he came over to Europe as agent for the sale of lots of land in the Ohio territory. Here, also, his success was very limited, and the settlement of that fertile district has been owing much more to adventurers from the New England States than to emigrants from Europe. The latter have to combat in America with various difficulties, being ignorant of the quickest mode of clearing land, and unwilling to submit to pass a stormy season in a log-hut, or to live for twelvemonths together on salt provisions. The Americans, on the contrary, consider a forest as their natural habitation; and, like the wandering Indians, they emigrate from spot to spot with the view of increasing their property. Being aware, likewise, of the various disadvantages of uncultivated land, they are less liable to shackle themselves with an unprofitable bargain.

Mr. Barlow finding little encouragement in the sale of the Ohio lands in London, and having committed the imprudence of carrying an address from one of our democratic societies in 1792 to the National Convention of France, it became expedient for him to remain out of England. He now proceeded to figure in the French Revolution; and, when he had seen the vanity of his hopes of liberty in that country, he dedicated his leisure hours to the composition of "The Columbiad," a poem in ten books, and an enlargement of his "Vision of Columbus." He re turned to America in 1805, and was again appointed ambas

sador

sador to Bonaparte in 1812, but died in the course of a journey. undertaken to meet Napoleon in Poland.

Mr. Jay, who is chiefly known in this country by the treaty of 1794, is now very far advanced in life, having been born in 1734. He was educated for the law, and was in considerable practice on the breaking out of the war of 1775. Being deputed to Congress, he was chosen President in 1777, and sent afterward as ambassador to Spain and France. He bore a part with Franklin and Adams in the treaty of Paris in 1783; and, on his return to America, he acted first as minister for foreign affairs, and afterward as Chief Justice of the United States, a station which he found it necessary to resign in consequence of the clamour excited against him by the treaty of 1794. He was soon afterward elected Governor of New York, and continued to hold the place for several years, until he determined to withdraw from active life, and to pass his re maining years in retirement.

General Pinkney is, like Mr. Jay, a character of the greatest respectability. He distinguished himself by his courage and conduct in the revolutionary war; and, in the various diplomatic missions with which he has been subsequently charged, his proceedings have been marked by an open and conciliating spirit. -In his notes on other public men, Mr. L. makes (p. 440.) a few observations on the conduct of General Moreau, during his residence in the United States, and combats the ridiculous but very prevalent notion that he was in the habit of transmitting secret intelligence to Bonaparte's government. A journey made by Moreau to New Orleans in 1808 gave rise to a thousand rumours, and created great alarm in the numerous class of people who had become sick of even the name of Revolution.

It is now time to take our leave of Mr. Lambert, whom we shall have no objection to meet again as a traveller and an author, provided that he will give attention to the remarks which we have made on his first volume; and which may be comprized in the plain rule to study condensation and arrangement. His preface and introduction are somewhat in the style of an advertisement; a practice against which we would dissuade him, as being neither creditable nor advantageous. A book of real interest stands in no need of so`doubtful an auxiliary; and these expedients are now so common as to lose in a great measure their effect. Neither is it advisable to give such very minute tables of contents, the reader being thus led to expect. more than he will occasionally find. The plates are inserted chiefly in the first volume, and, though of very ordinary quality, are useful, and effectually supply the deficiency of verbal description.

ART.

ART. III. A Portraiture of the Roman Catholic Religion; or an unprejudiced Sketch of the History, Doctrines, Opinions, Discipline, and present State of Catholicism: with an Appendix, containing a Summary of the Laws now in Force against English and Irish Catholics. By the Rev. J. Nightingale, Author of “A Portraiture of Methodism," &c. 8vo. pp. 547. 16s. Boards. Longman and Co.

WH

WHILE a Pretender to the British throne existed, whose religious principles were those of the see of Rome, it was the fashion to represent Catholicism as a monster at once deformed and pestiferous; and Protestant Dissenters were equally zealous with members of the Established Church in making repeated attacks on the scarlet whore of Babylon. Since, however, the alarm of a Pretender has subsided, "Sermons against Popery" are less frequent; and had not the Catholics, enlightened on the subject of civil rights, and naturally counting on the liberal spirit of the times, asserted their claims to a full participation of the privileges of British subjects, the po pular odium, which had been cherished on political accounts, would perhaps gradually have subsided, and we should have regarded the Catholic as no worse a subject for going to Mass than the Methodist for going to the Tabernacle. The apostolic maxim given in Romans, xiv. 5., so characteristic of St. Paul's expanded liberality, "Let every man freely enjoy his own sentiment," (this is Dr. Doddridge's translation,) would have been so far adopted generally, that we should amicably have "agreed to differ;" and our religious opinions would not, any more than our philosophical or other opinions, be considered as disquali fying us for any service to which the King might be pleased to appoint us.

Civil privileges, when bestowed on one denomination of Christian professors to the exclusion of others, operate as a monopoly in favour of the privileged class; and profitable monopolies are never relinquished without a struggle. Catholics, therefore, by asserting their right to be admitted into the market on the same terms with other subjects, have provoked a controversy in which the nature and political operation of their religion become objects of inquiry; it being contended by their Protestant opponents that, if they be good Catholics, they cannot be good British subjects. Against this party, the author of the Portraiture of the Roman Catholic Religion generously pleads the Catholic cause; and, though himself, a Protestant, and firm in his principles as such, he strenuously contends that nothing exists in the doctrines or the discipline of Catholicism, which ought to operate against its professors as members of the state. A Protestant freely advocating the cause of the Roman Catholic

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Catholic religion is an amiable novelty, which disposes us to believe that the world is growing rather better than worse; and, if we compliment Mr. N.'s heart, on the present occasion, he receives no more from us than he deserves. He probably will think, however, that we are not so kind to the Catholics as he is himself, when we venture to suggest the possibility of his generosity having in some degree invaded the province of his judgment; and if we doubt whether, in a discussion sch as he has undertaken, it be admissible to give a view of the Roman Catholic religion detached from all consideration of Roman Catholic courts, and even of the court of Rome itself. Though we rank among the advocates for Catholic Emancipation, we wish to argue the case fairly; and the connection of Catholics with the See of Rome, or with the Pope, is an objection, solely on the ground of their acknowlegment of a jurisdiction out of the realm, which for their own sakes they ought to obviate. We say, "Make the empire complete within itself, in spirituals as well as in temporals, and enjoy with us the full benefit of it. To emancipate you is our ardent wish; and do you enable us, by removing this single difficulty, to effect it consistently with the principles of sound policy." Mr. N. will tell us that the atrocities and daring assumptions of temporal power, formerly practised by the court of Rome, make no part of the Roman Catholic religion. Granted but, in taking a view of this religious system, are we to omit to notice this prominent fact, that it authorizes and assists the right of appeal to a court so loaded with crimes and unprecedented despotism? When Mr. Nightingale has executed his projected Portraiture of the Church of England, will he deem his picture complete, if it includes nothing more than an account of the Liturgy and the Articles; will he not exhibit the Church in connection with the State, with the King as its supreme temporal head, with the bishops as appointed by him, and “ raising their mitred fronts in courts and parliaments?" The answer is evident; and in like manner he ought to consider Catholicism in all its bearings, especially as the whole point at issue has a political aspect.

It is proper to let this volunteer in behalf of the Catholics' explain his own views and motives. He was not willing," he informs us in his preface, to forego the pleasure of, at least, endeavouring to shew that the religion of our ancestors has been mistaken, and that unworthy and groundless alarms are excited in consequence of that mistake.' When,' he proceeds, murders, and seditions, and plots, and persecutions, are adduced against Roman Catholics, it is sufficient to give, this one plain and obvious answer, they are acts which form REV. JULY, 1814.

S

no

no part of the Roman Catholic religion.' The present Catholics are certainly not chargeable with the crimes of their ancestors. It is also to be recollected that Protestants have persecuted in their turn; and that even Calvin and Cranmer manifested a bloody zeal for what they esteemed the truth. In these more liberal times, similar enormities are not likely to occur; and we cannot deem it generous to urge the former burning of heretics, &c. as an argument against Catholic Emancipation. We entirely agree with Mr. N., that much in extenuation might be offered on account of the mental darkness, the political bondage, and the mistaken policy of the ages in which these enormities were committed; while much obloquy would be removed, by distinguishing between the acts of princes and politicians, and those of the heads and ministers of religion.' Yet it must not be forgotten that the head of the Catholic church is the only spiritual functionary on record who assumed the monstrous power of deposing kings, and of laying whole empires under his interdicts; and it behoves the sovereigns of Europe not only to protest but to guard against the assumption of this power by the See of Rome, and to distinguish between Catholicism and Popery. The latter term we are happy to find is going out of use, and is grating in the ears of Catholics: it is, however, expressive of one point in debate, viz. their spiritual allegiance to the Pope, and therefore in argument cannot be altogether abandoned. It is in one respect the hinge on which the whole of the controversy turns; and though, in the modern arrangements of Europe, little fear may rationally be entertained of the Pope's dispensing power, it is impossible to say what changes will in future happen; and it is a matter of policy to prevent the possibility of such an interference of the Pope in these realms as may, under any circumstance, disturb the allegiance of his Majesty's Catholic subjects. These and former remarks of the same complexion are offered with no hostility to their cause; and we ardently hope that the Catholics will devise means of quieting the apprehensions of our Protestant government on this head.

The sentiments and object of the author of this Portraiture cannot be more clearly placed before our readers than by transcribing the following passage:

To state with candour, and to delineate with faithfulness, some of the leading features of Catholic history, and all the great doctrines of the Catholic faith, uninfluenced by the zeal of a partisan, or the disingenuous arts of an apologist, is the chief, if not the sole, duty incumbent on the author of this work. If in the discharge of this duty, it should appear that a great majority of our fellow Christians have been, and still are, misunderstood in regard to their tenets, and misrepresented in their history; and that from these mistakes, to give

them