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Laing tells us, is "the interference with men as free moral agents, the substitution of Government enactments and superintendence in the most sacred domestic affairs for self-guidance by conscience, good principle, and common sense, the reduction, in short, of the population of a country to the social condition of a soldiery off duty, roaming about their parade-ground under the eye and at the call of their superior, without free agency or a sense of moral responsibility. Moral effects in society can only be produced by moral influences. We may drill boys into reading and writing machines, but this is not education. The almost mechanical operations of reading, writing, and reckoning, are unquestionably most valuable acquirements but they are not education; they are the means only, not the end-the tools, not the work in the education of man. We are too ready in Britain to consider them as tools which will work of themselves; that if the labouring man is taught to read the Bible, he becomes necessarily a moral, religious man; that to read is to think. This confounding of the means with the end is practically a great error. We see no such effects from the acquisition of much higher branches of school education, and by those far above the social position of the labouring man. Reading and writing are acquirements very widely diffused in Paris, in Italy, in Austria, in Prussia, and Sweden; but the people are not moral, nor religious, nor enlightened, nor free, because they possess the means. If the ultimate object of all education and knowledge be to raise man to the feeling of his own

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moral worth, to a sense of his responsibility to his Creator and to his conscience for every act, to the dignity of a reflecting, self-guiding, virtuous, religious member of society, then the Prussian educational system is a failure. It is only a training from childhood in the conventional discipline and submission of mind which the State exacts from its subjects. It is not a training or education which has raised, but which has lowered the human character. This system of interference and intrusion into the inmost domestic relations of the people-this educational drill of every family by State means and machinery, supersedes parental tuition. It is a fact not to be denied, that the Prussian population is at this day, when the fruits of this educational system may be appreciated in the generation of the adults, in a remarkably demoralized condition."—p. 166.

After stating that female virtue is one of the best tests by which to judge of a nation's morality, this observant writer asks, "Will any traveller, will any Prussian say, that this index-virtue of the moral condition of a people is not lower in Prussia than in almost any part of Europe?" He tells us, that in 1837 there were 2,983,146 females in that country, between the ages of sixteen and forty-five, and that of these one in every seventy-five had been the mother of an illegitimate child. This would give one to every 382 of the entire population. England the proportion of illegitimate children for the year 1830 was one in 693. The numbers are as follows:

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Hence we see that this particular crime which wherever it abounds must, from the amazing influence of woman, demoralize the whole of society, was nearly double in Prussia what it was in England; and Mr. Laing also tells us, that this vice most abounds among the middle classes, where it is least prevalent among us. We boast that in England a good female education almost in every instance prevents any violation of the rules of propriety. Were all the cases mentioned above thoroughly investigated, we query whether it could be found that a single female among our countrywomen, who had received a proper education, had been led astray; but in Prussia, the females, who have received the best training that the Church and State propose to give, and who have been instructed in schools held up as a pattern to all Europe, are the most guilty. We grant that our peasantry are not so well versed in reading, writing, &c., as the people in Prussia; and that of course, in these respects they can bear no comparison with the

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middle classes in that country; and yet the daughters of our ignorant labourers and operatives are far more moral than the educated women in the middle ranks in Prussia. Literature is good, but morality is better; and if we must choose between the two, by all means give us the latter; for we would much rather have our rough, unlettered peasantry, than the educated, but immoral inhabitants of any of the continental states.

According to Prince Puckler Muskau, himself a Prussian, there are other particulars in which his nation is below ours. For he has stated, "in one of his late publications (Sudöslicher Bildersaal, drei theil, 1841), that the character of the Prussians for honesty stands far lower than that of any other of the German populations.' He gives no statistical data for his opinions, but as a Prussian, he would scarcely come to such a conclusion, if it were not generally believed in Germany."-Laing, p. 167. In England, notwithstanding all that has

been said to the contrary, we believe there | worth, merit, and exertion gaining the public is a general dislike to pauperism, and espe- estimation. Morally they are the slaves of cially in proportion as the people are edu- enslaved minds. Compulsory education, comcated. We find among many of our un-pulsory religion, compulsory military service, lettered operatives a deep-seated horror at and the finger of Government interfering in the thought of having to live by charity. In all action and opinion, and leaving nothing fact, no individual who has the least particle to free will and uncontroled individual judgof self-respect, can wish to live on sinecures, ment, produce youths well educated, as it is unearned pensions, parish pay, or the reve- called, because they can read, write, sing, nues of a beggar. The feeling of dependence are well dressed, well drilled, and ableon the bounty of others has the most de- bodied; but whose selbstgefühl (self-respect), grading effect on the human heart; hence it whose moral sense has not been educated, has generally been found, that those who raised, and cultivated, even to the extent doom themselves to this condition are of of making them feel debased or degraded the most abject character. But we are told at running, cap in hand, begging at the side that in Prussia it is not uncommon to find of carriages on the highway.”—p. 171. the student at the universities actually beg- It seems that one chief object of the ging on the highway. "In Germany," says Prussian system of education is to produce Mr. Laing, "within half a mile of the Unia nation of paupers. By the centralization versity of Bonn, on a Sunday evening, when of everything in the hands of the Governall the town was abroad walking, I have ment, almost every individual is in a state of seen a student in tolerably good clothes, his entire civil dependence. He can do nothing tobacco-pipe in his mouth, begging, with his without a licence. By the refined cruelty of hat off, on the public road, running after modern despotism, he must be a civil and passengers and carriages, soliciting charity, political pauper, or be starved to death. and looking very sulky when refused; and Hence the Government is always beset with the young man in full health, and with the most importunate beggars. "In 1834, clothes on his back that would sell for for every 100 church or school institutions enough to keep him for a week. This is no to be filled up in the Prussian dominions, uncommon occurrence on the German roads. there were 262 candidates, qualified by Every traveller on the roads around Heid- studies at the universities; for every 100 elberg, Bonn, and other university towns of juridical situations, 256 candidates; for Germany, must have frequently and daily every 100 medical, 196 candidates.” witnessed this debasement of mind among youth." "Did it ever happen to a traveller taking a walk in the neighbourhood of Oxford, Cambridge, Dublin, Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen, St. Andrews, or any of the universities in the United States, to be accosted by a stout, able-bodied, well-enough dressed student, begging, with cap in hand, from passengers on the high road? Ten thousand to one, no man alive ever witnessed such debasement of mind among the youth of those countries, educated or not educated. The lad would sell his clothes, work, enlist, starve, drown, hang, but beg he would not."-p. 170.

"This want of sensibility to shame, or public opinion, or to personal dignity, is a defect of character produced entirely by the system of Government interference in all education and in all human action. It is an example of its moral working upon society. It is not from moral worth, character, or conduct in their private relations, but from Government, from educational, military, or civil functionaries, that the studying class have, in every stage in life, to seek advancement. The generous feelings, impulses, and motives of youth are smothered under the servile institutions of the Government, by which all means of living in any of the liberal professions, or even in the ordinary branches of industry, are to obtained only by Government licence, appointment, and favour, not by moral

The infantile state of the minds of these educated people is evinced by the importance they attach "to rank, office, and conventional distinction ;" and the Government cultivates this childish spirit by "the profusion of orders, stars, crosses, ribands, and empty titles," which it showers upon them. "Every third man that you meet in the street has a label in his button-hole telling all the world, 'I am a knight, look at me.' "The German ties his bit of red riband even to the button-hole of his dressing-gown; the merchant goes to his counting-house, the apothecary to the barber's shop to be shaved, the professor to his lecture-room, in crosses and ribands, as if they were going to the levee of the sovereign."—p. 172.

The inhabitants seem too much degraded to perceive that among them distinction is too common to be any distinction at all; and that the means of obtaining it are such as would make any really educated people blush. Not a man can enjoy any of these honours (rather stigmas) until he has destroyed his self-respect, and sold himself to be a slave. Besides, he who ties all his respectability to his button-hole is a poor pitiable being, without any intellectual or moral worth; and yet to produce this degraded spirit, is one of the chief objects and results of the far famed system of Prussian education. In the worst sense of the word, the nation is reduced to the lowest degra

dation; for he who owes his respectability to a riband, a star, a cross, or even a coronet, or a crown, is the most indigent of all paupers.

The fact that the whole male population of Prussia is educated in the art of war, and that the nation is a nation of soldiers, is a proof that both liberty and humanity are little studied by these belligerent citizens. Liberty is unknown in the army, and is allowed by all to be incompatible with military discipline, and as a consequence there is no free man in Prussia. Then a nation trained to the work of bloodshed and slaughter, ready to avenge itself for every supposed injury, and waiting to procure for itself fame by sweeping its enemies unprepared into eternity, can lay no claim to civilization, in the proper sense of the word. And the suspicion which has prompted it to cultivate this malignant spirit shows that it looks upon its neighbours as hordes of barbarians, whose propensity to plunder and blood can only be kept in abeyance by the dread of the sword. These citizen warriors also always stand ready to do the bidding of the Government on their own brethren. In 1834, when Berger, the pastor of Hermannsdorf, in Silesia, and others, refused the new Church service prescribed by the king, the military was sent to cure their heterodoxy, and each recusant peasant was punished by having ten or twelve soldiers quartered in his house. The persons who enjoin such cruelty, and the tools who sell themselves to trample liberty and conscience under foot, can lay little claim to the name of education.

When the late king died "2,966 individuals suffering for their religious or political opinions, were pardoned. They had been torn from their families and homes, imprisoned, condemned, banished, because they presumed to remind their sovereign of the natural and constitutional rights of the people, and of the royal promise to restore those natural rights to a representation in the legislature-a promise given in the hour of need, and broken in the hour of prosperity." The common citizen who acted thus treacherously and cruelly would be shunned by his species, but Prussia may thus trample on her own children, and stand ready to trample upon others, and yet be held up to Europe as a pattern of what can be effected by Government schools!

The immense number of Government functionaries necessary to keep the people from going astray, and the care with which the press is guarded, demonstrate that the Prussians are not an educated people. Welleducated citizens could go from place to place without a passport; might be allowed to move about freely without the superintendence of a policeman; and to read what books and newspapers they

please. In England and America men can do these things without any danger to the common weal. But the Prussians are still, it seems, in a state of imbecility as regards mind, and in a state of barbarism as regards morals. For he who does not know how to think for himself, and cannot be trusted with his own liberty without injuring himself or injuring others, is either an infant, an idiot, or a savage. Before we can say one word in favour of Prussian education we must see the people liberated, that we may know how they will act if left to themselves to exercise their own free agency.

But

There is nothing in which the dignity of a people shows itself to greater advantage than in religious fidelity. Of all martyrs, those who have died for the truth have been the noblest; and even when the creed has been an erroneous one, we have admired the constancy of its advocates, though we may have known their sentiments to be wrong. while Christian fortitude is admired by all, there is nothing so despicable as ecclesiastical subserviency. We presume that the vicar of Bray never had an admirer. The Nonconformists in former years, and the ministers and people of the Free Church of Scotland in our own day, whether their sentiments be approved or not, have, in the stand they made for their principles, erected for themselves an imperishable monument. But in Prussia attachment to any one standard of doctrines rather than to another seems to be almost unknown; for in 1817, when at the command of the king the new Church service was introduced in all the Protestant places of worship, "out of 8,950 congregations, 7,750 are said to have acquiesced, and to have adopted the new ritual." People whose minds are reduced to this state of mental and moral obsequiousness, have been injured rather than benefited by their national education. In Prussia, the psalms they shall sing, the prayers that shall be repeated, the text to be preached from on particular days, and the length of the sermon, are all fixed by royal authority, and both people and priests tamely submit. Like parrots they are willing to articulate what prayers the State may teach, and to keep both praying, singing, and preaching within the prescribed limits of "one hour." To worship God anywhere but in a church was prohibited, and made criminal in Prussia by an edictal law, dated the 9th of March, 1834, and yet we find only about 600 persons leaving this ungodly land that they might enjoy the freedom of worship.

"If to read, write, cipher, and sing, be education, the Prussian subject is an educated man;" but, "if to reason, judge, and act as an independent free agent, in the religious, moral, and social relations of man to his Creator and to his fellow-men, be that exercise of the mental powers which alone

deserves the name of education, then is the | schoolmasters of modern times can far more Prussian subject a mere drum-boy in education, compared to one of the unlettered population of a free country." The Prussian Government enforces education, and yet denies the use and exercise of it "in the duties of men as social, moral, religious, thinking, self-acting beings. This is the Government of functionarism and despotism united, turning the education of the people, and the means of living of a great body of functionaries placed over them, into a machinery for its own support."-Laing, pp. 232, 233.

As France has frequently been held up of late as a pattern of Governmental wisdom in her normal schools, and system of national instruction, it is important that we should endeavour to ascertain what is her real educational condition. Much light is thrown on this subject by Mr. Laing, in his "Notes of a Traveller," and especially in a late work by an unknown author, entitled "France, her Governmental, Administrative, and Social Organization, exposed and considered, in its Principles, in its Working, and in its Results." From this latter publication, we will now adduce a few facts.

Here we have the same system of centralization and despotism that we found in Prussia. Education being employed to enslave the people, and in fact to accomplish, under the refined names of schools and learning, what in darker ages and by barbarian rulers was effected solely by physical or brute force. The tyrants of old, and in some foreign nations now, give their subjects the alternative of slavery or death; but not a few modern despots educate their people to be slaves; and both religion and secular knowledge are doomed to perform all the vile drudgery which formerly was effcted by arms, tortures, 'dungeons, and executions. Tyranny is now under the form represented in the book of Revelation: it has the "horns of a lamb," but it speaks" as a dragon." For many years it was imagined that despotism and education were incompatible; and in our own country, not thirty years ago, it was stoutly maintained, that neither the Throne nor Christianity would be safe if the people were taught to read. But thanks to Prussia and other continental states, the delusion has been dispelled. It is now well ascertained, that of all the instruments that have ever been invented by political or ecclesiastical "craftsmen" to enslave the people, national education can be made the most effective. To this discovery, we owe Lord Ashley's motions, and the Bills of Sir James Graham.

"" -Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes
Emollit mores, nec sinit esse feros,"

is now become an axiom in despotism; and it is almost universally allowed that the

effectually and permanently tame the people into voluntary slavery than either the policeman, the soldier, the gaoler, or the executioner. Physical bonds are always galling, and he who is chafed by them will, if possible, burst his fetters; but the intellectual and moral slave is lost for ever. The world is actually, at this day, more threatened by systems of national education, than it has ever been by any other form that tyranny has assumed. Let these plans succeed elsewhere, as in Prussia and France, and liberty will be entombed without the least prospect of a resurrection. Education is the hope of the world; but make this genius of universal emancipation the slave of tyrants, and nothing remains but the blackness of despair. Polished despotism and civilized servility are the direst curses that can visit the earth. Where these exist and reign, liberty, morals, and religion must of necessity expire. The French were originally called Franks, because of the spirit of freedom that was predominant among them. Charlemagne and others, however fond of absolute power, were in some degree controled by the manly and independent minds of their followers. Generals and chieftains, in those days, knew that if they infringed on the liberties of those whom they commanded or led, not only their power but their personal safety was in danger; but in our day the people have had the State schoolmaster among them, and he has reduced them to the most abject obsequiousness. A bold, courageous, independent spirit now would be as great a prodigy as a learned soldier in the dark ages. That these sentiments are well authenticated, the following facts will demonstrate.

The Imperial Decrees of France in 1806, 1808, and 1811, organized the Imperial University in that spirit of despotism so characteristic of their author, Napoleon. These decrees continued in force during the Restoration, the only change being the substitution of clerical for military direction. the Revolution of July, M. Guizot, who has been twice minister for that department, has introduced another alteration, and the bigotry of the Restoration is now transformed into an absolute doctrinarian servilism."

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"The minister, or, as he is styled, the 'Grand Master,' has a general staff of eight councillors and fourteen general inspectors." "The University is divided into twenty-seven academies: at the head of each of these is a rector, with two, three, or four inspectors; and besides these, there are eighty-seven inspectors of primary schools."

"The instruction is divided into four classes the primary schools, where reading, writing, and arithmetic are taught; the secondary schools, where the pupils learn the elements of Latin and Greek; and such schools are established in every chief town

iv.

of arrondissements; the royal colleges, where | into circulation."-France, &c., pt. i. chap. the study of the Latin and Greek languages, and of mathematics is finished; and the academic schools, for what they call 'etudes superieures, preparatory to taking a degree." "The academic schools have five faculties, the belles lettres, the sciences, law, theology, and medicine. The faculty of medicine is established in three academies only, the faculty of theology in eight, and that of law in nine." "At the head of all the schools is the normal school of Paris, where young men, having completed the course of their studies in the royal colleges, and wishing to enter upon the career of public instruction, receive a complement of education at the expense of the State, when, after examination, they are admitted. There are sixty-five or seventy scholars, who cost about 60,000 francs, and there are twenty-six professors, masters, and directors, at an annual cost of 62,000 francs. This school is now nothing more than a political job."

"There is a part of the prerogative of the Minister of Public Instruction which is particularly calculated to establish and extend his influence, and of which M. Guizot has made large use. In all the royal colleges there are foundations (bourses), paid either by the State or by the departments, for the education of children of poor families, who are admitted on the appointment of the minister. Some of these bourses are for the whole amount of board and instruction; some for three-fourths; and some for the half of it. The number of these foundations is about 2,000. M. Guizot, and after him his successors, have generally disposed of them in favour of electors, or deputies of their party. More than 200 deputies have their sons educated at the public expense. The total amount of these foundations is 600,000 francs."

"There are 13,000,000 of francs spent on public instruction by the State, and the number of persons in this department dependent upon the goodwill of the minister for their subsistence is altogether at least 25,000." What powerful army for despotism! They are worth treble their amount of soldiers.

"The system of education is entirely determuned by the minister. The private secondary schools are obliged not only to submit to that system, but, in every town where there is a royal college, to send their pupils to the college to attend the lessons of the professors." "The books used in the course of the studies must be approved of by the minister, as well as those which the young men are allowed to read in their leisure hours. This enables the minister to patronize certain authors and booksellers, who generally bribe some influential member of the Council to have their unsaleable books adopted by the University. 400,000 francs are actually paid to get the voluminous publications to which MM. Guizot and Cousin have affixed their names, put

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Private schools, or any schools independent of the Government, are not allowed in France. Finding that Louis Philippe had broken his promise to grant "civil and religious liberty" to the nation, three individuals, "Count De Montalembert, a peer of France, M. De Coux, a rich gentleman, and the Abbé Lacordaire, took a large house in the Rue des Beaux Arts, and publicly announced on the 9th of May, 1831, that they would on the following day open a free school for poor children, to whom they would themselves give the first elements of instruction. The Government sent a police commissioner to interrupt the lessons and shut up the house. M. Lacordaire insisted upon his rights in conformity with the Charter, and his arguments had so much weight with the officer, that he retired without executing his order, but on the following day he came again, and then ordered the boys to leave the house. On their refusal to comply with his orders thrice repeated, he called in a police force, and notwithstanding the resistance of the Abbé Lacordaire, violently ejected the children; and to prevent the school being re-opened, shut up the room and affixed his seal

to the door.

For this violation of M. Guizot's law, MM. Montalembert, De Coux, and Lacordaire were indicted before the court of Police Correctionnelle; but the Count Montalembert having in the interval succeeded to the peerage of his father, a Royal Ordinance convoked the Court of Peers for the trial of their colleague and his accomplices. The trial began on the 19th of October, 1831; the Attorney-General, Persil, appeared for the prosecution. After having heard the defence, the Court of Peers of Louis Philippe sentenced these individuals to a fine of 100 francs each, for having kept a public school without being authorised by the Imperial University, in conformity with the Imperial Decree of the 15th of November, 1811."-France, &c., pp. 183, 184.

What should we think of such a law as this in England, that no individual, whether peer or peasant, should give any public instruction, or open any private school or free school without leave from the Government. There is little doubt but this abuse of power was contemplated by the late Educational Bill; and there is reason to believe that the flatteries that have lately, in certain quarters, been bestowed on the King of the French and his Government, have arisen from the satisfaction that his arbitrary measures have given to the lovers of despotism in our country.

"Until 1833 the schools of elementary instruction in France were private establishments, under the patronage of the principal inhabitants and the parish priests.

The

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