Not the least valuable part of this edition lies in the 157 closely packed pages of notes, wherein the editor has given us the fruits of his long years of ardent study of Poe. The date of composition, the text, the source, and in some cases the critical estimate are followed by the usual specific comment upon lines.

Like all things human, Professor Campbell's Poems of Edgar Allan Poe is not perfect. In one or two minor matters of collation, it differs from its nearest rival, the Whitty edition, (though which is correct the writer cannot say); and the one typographical error (down for dawn, p. 104) which the reviewer has noted has chosen a highly conspicuous place in which to advertise itself. But nevertheless it seems safe to say that this work will remain for a long time to come the indispensable edition of the poems of Poe. EARL L. BRADSHER.

THE COMPLEte Works of EDGAR ALLAN POE. Revised and Definitive Edition. Edited by J. H. Whitty. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Company. 1917. $2.25 net.

The first edition of this book, "the fruit of researches extending over a period of thirty years," appeared in 1911. This second edition, which appeared almost simultaneously with Campbell's, contains, as announced in the Preface, new Poe discoveries in the shape of five additional poems and certain other poems attributed to Poe on very doubtful grounds. The Appendix includes some interesting material relating to Poe's brief sojourn in Scotland, with illustrations of the house where he stayed and the school which he is supposed to have attended.

HISTORY OF THE CIVIL WAR, 1861-1865. By James Ford Rhodes, LL.D., D.Litt. New York: The Macmillan Company. 1917. $2.50.

Any book by Dr. Rhodes is sure to be a distinct contribution to our knowledge of the subject treated, and this one is no exception to the rule. While he goes over the same ground which is so thoroughly covered by Volumes 3, 4, and 5 of his History of the United States, 1850-1877, it is in no sense an abridgment of them. In some instances, Dr. Rhodes has quoted verbatim from his larger work; but it is only when there has seemed to be

no possible way of improving on it. Since the History was published, a great quantity of new material has appeared, and Dr. Rhodes has drawn most copiously and wisely from such works as The Diary of Gideon Welles, The Reminiscences of Carl Schurz, and others of the same nature. In compressing a fairly complete and entirely scholarly history of the Civil War into the compass of 438 pages, Dr. Rhodes has shown his usual skill. He has omitted nothing of political importance; but he has obtained brevity by the elimination of the detailed account of military tactics, which add nothing to the easy comprehension of the strategic problems involved. The accounts of the various campaigns are clear and distinct. The strategic values of the most important battles are properly emphasized, and the whole subject of the military operations of both sides is clarified by this abridgment. On the other hand, nothing is lost, except possibly to the student who wishes to specialize on purely military affairs.

The only change which might be suggested would be some mention of Andrew Johnson as Military Governor of Tennessee, and the addition of a short account of his actions in that difficult position, and of his splendid coöperation with President Lincoln toward the restoration of that state to the Union. Perhaps Dr. Rhodes prefers to consider all these things as part of the Reconstruction Period, but Johnson became Military Governor of Tennessee in the spring of 1862, and his services in that capacity continued during the larger part of the time covered by this book. So, it would seem that his services, his attempts at the reorganization of the state, and above all the great interest shown by Lincoln in the success of his efforts would justify at least a passing notice.

Dr. Rhodes is at his best in his descriptions of the leading actors in this great drama. Grant and Lee, Sherman and Joe Johnston, Sheridan and "Stonewall" Jackson, are all portrayed by him with a sympathetic pen. But his great hero is Abraham Lincoln, and nowhere is there to be found a finer picture of that great patriot, statesman, and lover of mankind than in this book. Dr. Rhodes's clearness and charm of style is too well known to need mention here. He is absolutely fair to both sides; and he

has performed his most difficult task in a way which leaves nothing further to be desired.

F. S. H.

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR, BUREAU OF EDUCATION: BULLETIN, 1916, No. 39: Negro Education, a Study of the Private and Higher Schools for Colored People in the United States. Two vols., 1147 pp. Maps, illustrations.

This Report on Negro Education, issued by the United States Bureau of Education in cöoperation with the Phelps-Stokes fund is in two stout volumes, which in field work and composition required the services of a large staff for over a period of nearly four years. The study was made under the direction of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, perhaps better equipped than any other man in this country to plan and give temper to such an investigation. Dr. Jones was fortunate and wise in gathering about him a group of young Southerners, in most instances graduates of state universities, who did much of the detailed field inspection, and who were able to bring to their task an intimate knowledge of conditions and a keen sympathy with their problem. One of the most hopeful lessons from the work is that Southern men of training and responsibility and position were willing to enter heartily into such an undertaking. An alumnus of Washington and Lee University and a graduate in the department of sociology of Columbia University, Dr. Jones from the side of scholarship was able to direct the study and to bring together the mass of detail with fine perspective, keen analysis, and broad sympathy.

The first volume presents the general conclusions of the inquiry. It is here that the broad statesmanship of the director best appears. Modifications of a more or less important character will doubtless be made in this exposition as the years pass and as additional evidence comes to light, but the statement of the problem and the remedies proposed set the pace and serve to make this an indispensable handbook of practical educational policy where the colored people are concerned.

The second volume contains the analyses and descriptions of every private school and every higher public school for Negroes in this country. The field investigators based nothing upon

hearsay or upon long-range inspection. Every teacher, every pupil, every blackboard and desk and dormitory and book was scrutinized to the minutest detail. By letter or by repeated visits, effort was made to verify the facts gathered, so that this second volume forms a picture, photographic in its realism and completeness, of the physical properties and administrative structure of Negro schools. It is this close-up reproduction which will be of chief interest to particular localities.

The general thesis of the study is that whatever quarrel there may be with Negro education on moral, political, or more narrowly social grounds, there can be no reasonable objection to making the colored man a larger contributor to his own welfare and the welfare of the community of which he is a part. If his earnings can be increased from seventy-five cents to a dollar and a half a day, everybody is benefited and nobody is injured. In accordance with this viewpoint, the method of inquiry passes over questions usually more useful to the obstructionist than to the enlightenment of the public, and attacks the central problem. The report believes that the training for agricultural pursuits is the first need of a people 80 per cent rural. It is shown that in the fifty years of their freedom, Negro illiteracy has fallen from more than 90 per cent to 30 per cent; 1,000,000 colored men are now farmers of varying degrees of independence, a quarter of a million owning farms aggregating 20,000,000 acres, but it is also made clear thet the race is still desperately poor. The death-rate for Negroes is 24 in 1,000 as against 15 for whites, and the prisons and jails of the South have proportionately five times as many colored inmates as white. The report begins and ends with the contention that the problem of educating the Negroes is that of supplying with efficiency and welfare a people lacking in every element of healthy life.

The part of statesmanship, then, is to teach the Negroes to do better what they are now doing. The number of Negro mechanics needs to be increased by trade schools fed from pupils who have been taught from the earliest grades to work with their hands. Primary schools should teach the theory and practice of gardening, and this work should be followed in the higher schools until a colored boy can go out with self-confidence

based upon a good store of practical knowledge. Girls must be taught more of household arts, of the care of children, of the mapping out of and living by simple domestic budgets. At the same time academic and professional training is not to be neglected. The report shows that in teaching force, studentbody, and equipment, only three schools, -Meharry Medical College, Fisk University, and Howard University,― deserve to be rated as colleges, and that out of a total of 10,000,000 colored students about 3,000 are receiving higher education. To care for the needs of a peculiarly needful people, opportunities for advanced study by 3,000 of the most apt of their number cannot be slurred. All of these 3,000 and more, if there were only facilities for their education, are needed to identify personal salvation and community morality, to view the problems of schools with broad understanding and attack them with genuine grasp, to campaign with scientific knowledge against menaces to public health.

The report makes clear a subtle and gradual but all-important change in the agencies of Negro education. It was first believed that upon the North rested the chief responsibility for the lifting of the race it had freed, and the North has given to Negro education generous sums that have become concrete in property accumulations to the value of $26,191,892. Though this section still contributes annually $2,645,527 to colored schools largely located in the South, not long ago, with the general awakening of the South to a necessity for improving conditions that were keeping it back, Southern leaders came to realize that upon the South should rest an even greater responsibility in the education of the Negroes. As a result, in the last months ten Southern states have appointed white supervisors of Negro elementary rural schools. It now begins to be said, shows the report, that perhaps after all the Negro, as he is the one most concerned in the problem he presents, may come to be the most powerful agency for its solution. When the colored people can be organized for progress in their own ranks, the best instrument of attack will have arisen for them, for the South, and for the country. BROADUS MITCHELL.