first hour to the last, there was never a breath of misunderstanding. It consists with our knowledge, how greatly he loved them, and how fully his love was reciprocated. He had the felicity also of being surrounded by a body of Directors who, while they greatly esteemed his person, duly appreciated his official virtues. He was enabled to meet their views; and up to the close he worked and walked with them in unbroken harmony. To complete his happiness, he so administered the affairs of the Society as to secure the love and confidence of the excellent men who occupied the high places of the land; and, amid much toil and frequent privation, fought the battle of truth and righteousness with bigotry, ignorance, and sin-the missionaries. One

of these most deserving evangelists, who may be presumed to express the general sentiments of his brethren, writing, since the decease of the Secretary, says, "We feel it more as the loss of a father and a friend, than that of one officially connected with the Society."

It was often feared by his family and his more intimate friends that he laboured more intensely and assiduously in the service of the Society than his constitution would long bear. But of this, he himself could never be persuaded. The Society's interests were in his heart; and day and night-frequently far beyond the midnight hour, (a course which cannot be too severely deprecated,) they engaged his attention. From the commencement of the present year, he had more than ordinary labour. The state of the poor on the Home Missionary Stations at all times excited his deep concern; but the failure of the potato crop having produced such unusual distress, he had issued appeals on their behalf to pastors of churches in London and its vicinity, while at the same time he had circulated inquiries among the Society's Agents in the country respecting the sufferings of the poor. Responses to both descriptions of circular were pouring in from all quarters. The cordiality and generosity of the metropolitan churches afforded him some of his last earthly enjoyments. His heart was cheered, and his best affections excited by the expressions of feeling with which the pecuniary offerings were brought to him; and he loved to dwell on the simplicity of the plan of appropriating part of the ordinary sacramental collection—the benefit to the givers of having their Christian sympathy drawn out towards their poorer

brethren-the sacred and grateful pleasure of the receivers at finding themselves thus acknowledged and remembered by those whom they had never seen. It was evident to all, that he was labouring under indisposition; but so often had he struggled against it, in the persevering discharge of duty, that it excited less of alarm or surprise in his case than it would have done in another. With very considerable difficulty he got through the ordinary business at the Board of Directors, on Tuesday, the 20th of January; and then, for the last time, returned to the home, where the signals of his approach had ever been the most welcome of all earthly sights or sounds. While in town he had seen his medical attendant, who pronounced his complaint to be inflammation of the lungs, and from that time his prescriptions were diligently followed. He saw his patient for the last time on Saturday evening, when he thought him somewhat better. He intended to repeat his visit on the Monday, but begged he might be sent for on the sabbath should any change appear for the worse. Some very slight alteration was apparent, but to the hopeful eye of affection it all appeared to be for the better. The night was passed in a reclining posture; in which from the commencement of his illness he had not before been able to continue for more than two hours at a time. To every inquiry, he replied, that he was "comfortable," took with his own hands his prescribed refreshment and medicine, and in the intervals slept, as it was hoped, to compensate and recruit the exhaustion of restless days and nights before. At half-past nine o'clock, in the morning of Monday, the 26th, in reply to a question from his wife-his only attendant-he expressed, in his usual tone of voice, a wish to lie still a little longer. She left him to hasten the departure of the younger children to school, that his rest might be the more undisturbed. Her absence was not quite of ten minutes' durationbut on her return all was silent and still. The features were calm, the pillow undisturbed, the hand reclining exactly as she had left it; but while those of the family at home had been very briefly commending him and themselves to God, he had recalled the emancipated spirit to himself!

The interment took place on the following Saturday, in Abney Park cemetery, where the Rev. Thomas James and the Rev. W. S. Palmer conducted the

service, which was numerously attended by friends who prized the virtues, and loved the person of the deceased, while he lived, and who now deplore his loss and revere his memory. The Rev. A. Wells, on the following day, improved the mournful event in Union Chapel, Islington, as also did Dr. Campbell, in the Tabernacle, on the evening of the next sabbath-day.

Dr. Matheson has left behind him a widow and ten children. Mrs. Matheson was the only daughter of the late Rev. Greville Ewing, of Glasgow, whose admirable Memoir, from her pen, we introduced to our readers shortly after the commencement of our labours.

Of Dr. Matheson's literary labours, the following is a summary :

"The Morning, Noon-day, Evening, and Midnight Vision;" "The Cottage Boy; or, the History of Peter Thompson;" "The Cottage Friends;" "The Shepherd's Son ;" "Thomas Smith; or, the Evils of Disobedience;" "The Pious Grandson ;" "The Pious Mechanic." These were all written for children, and most of them while engaged in business, from finding at that time a great deficiency of books adapted to sabbath-school children. Respecting seven of the above, the author ascertained, in 1820, that, in different editions, 32,500 had been published. They have been also extensively circulated in the United States.

"A Selection of Hymns from the best Authors, adapted to Public and Family Worship." Durham. This was compiled for the use of the churches in Durham and Northumberland, with the assistance of three other pastors.

"Advice to Religious Inquirers respecting some of the Difficulties arising from the Present State of Society." 12mo, pp. 232.

"Christ Speaking a Word in Season to the Weary." A Sermon published in "The British Preacher," 1831.

"Religious Reform Impracticable without Separation from the State. An Earnest Appeal to Pious Members of the Established Church." By MATHETES. Pp. 36. London, 1834.

In the Congregational Magazine for 1830 there had appeared a review from his pen of "Riland on Church Reform," extending to nearly twenty pages. A friend soon afterwards met with Mr. Riland, who acknowledged that the reading of the above review had very materially altered his own opinion on the subject.

"The Voluntary Exercise of Christian Principle the only Method by which Great Britain and Ireland can be evangelized. A Sermon on occasion of the Twenty-third Annual Meeting of the Congregational Union of Scotland." Glasgow, 1835.

:

and up

Questions for Bible-classes intended for Young People of fourteen years of age wards." First and Second Series. London: the Religious Tract Society. This was at once the memorial and the result of some of his most delightful pastoral labours; his object, as stated by himself, having been "to get the young people to think for themselves, and furnish answers as the result of thought, instead of being provided with replies made ready to their hands."

"Narrative of a Visit to Canada and Pennsylvania." London, 1835.

"The Duty and Ability of the Church speedily to evangelize the Heathen World." A Sermon preached before the Auxiliary Missionary Society of the West Riding of Yorkshire. Bradford, 1836.

"Our Country: A Prize Essay on Lay Agency." London, 1840.

"Christian Activity Demanded by the Signs of the Times. A Sermon on occasion of the Twenty-ninth Annual Meeting of the Congregational Union of Scotland." Glasgow, 1841.

ON THE DUTY OF CHRISTIAN CITIZENS IN REFERENCE TO ECCLESIASTICAL ESTABLISHMENTS.

HAVING enumerated, in a former paper, several religious objections to national religious establishments, I proceed to point out what I conceive to be our duty, as religious men and members of the community, in relation to such establishments. I shall restrict myself on the present occasion chiefly to one department of duty, on which it is just now particularly desirable that right views should prevail. Most of my observations, I am persuaded, will coincide with the opinions of my Nonconforming brethren generally; but, as there may be some shades of difference between us, I prefer the frequent though not the invariable use of the singular number, egotistic although it be.

They who hold the sentiments and convictions which have been expressed in the former paper, cannot but desire the dis-establishment of what is called the National Church. No one wishes

that life-interests should be touched; and I, for one, should be quite content that, subject to certain reasonable conditions, public ecclesiastical buildings should continue in the possession of the Episcopal body. But our desire is that, from and after a given time, Government should take under its control the public property of the Establishment, and should devote it to such objects of public utility as may be deemed best; keeping as near to the original intentions of donors as a regard to what is in itself right, and to what is conducive to the public welfare, will allow. Such, with thorough Dissenters, is the grand desideratum to which we desire Government to come, but to which we have no expectation of their coming immediately. The next best thing, in our view, is, that Government should not aggravate and increase the religious Establishment evil by any fresh grant of public money for any religious party or purpose; and on this, in so far as our suffrages can go, we intend to insist.

Were our grand desideratum realized, indivi

mentations.

duals, unquestionably, would utter bitter la"What can I do with my poor dear lad?" many a father, especially in the lower departments of high life, would exclaim. "Our family used to have in its power a living of £2000 a year, with very little duty.' That would have been just the thing for him, and the lad is fit for nothing but the Church. I hate these new-fangled puritanical notions." But while such friends of the Church would mourn, the Church itself would be like a man relieved of a heavy burden, or like a man whose shackles have been knocked off! Its capabilities are already seen in church-extension and schoolextension operations; and when once released from its trammels, it would become ten times more active and energetic. A separation indeed would soon be effected between the genuiné Protestants and the semi-papists; and the sooner this separation takes place the better. The disestablishment of the national Church might, at first, check the progress of Congregationalism, inasmuch as what are in the view of some Nonconformists the only insurmountable objections to that Church would then be removed; but ultimately, we doubt not, every denomination of Christians, and, what is more, the general interests of religion, would be benefited to an amazing extent.

But to return to the question of duty. Is it right, some inquire doubtingly, for Christians to interfere in political matters? Is it right, I ask, for Christians to make political matters the subject of their prayers? Is it right, for instance, to pray that Parliament may be led to frame good and useful laws? To be sure it is, answers our doubting inquirer. But how, I ask that doubting friend, can he be so sure about it? In everything but politics it is acknowledged that prayer and action must be united, and that we have no encouragement to pray for anything while we neglect doing those things which are within our power, and which are adapted to promote the object for which we pray. People who except politics from the things with regard to which prayer and action should be united, seem to forget the very nature of the Government of Britain. Every child among us, above fourteen years of age, ought to know that in England laws are not made, as they were made in Babylon, by one man, but by the Sovereign, the House of Lords, and the House of Commons, conjointly; that consequently no proposal, or "bill," as it is called, can become a law unless the majority of the House of Commons approve of it. Members of the House of Commons, every one knows, are chosen by the votes of private persons. Every person, therefore, who has a vote, has the power of doing something towards the enactment of good laws, because he has the power of doing something towards sending such men to Parliament as will make such laws. Moreover, desirable though it may be that a larger number of persons should have the right of voting, and that they who possess the right should be better defended than they are from improper influence in using the right, it must at the same time be conceded that, even as things are, the people of Britain might send to Parliament an overwhelming majority of wise, just, and patriotic men, if they would. Only imagine this to be actually done. Imagine five hundred out of the six hundred and fiftyeight to be such men. Imagine a succession of

such Parliaments to be chosen for twenty years, and all the great questions relative to Ireland, to religious Establishments, to trade, pauperism, the industrious classes, education, the criminal code, the police, the colonies, the slave-trade, and international relations, to be calmly,disinterestedly, intelligently, and patiently discussed, and ultimately settled on principles in accordance with the word of God, the rights of man, the deductions of sound reasoning, and the lessons taught by the experience of mankind for six thousand years. Imagine the effect which such legislation would have, not merely on this glorious country, (for comparatively glorious it is, "with all its faults," and capable, with good management, of being absolutely glorious ;) but imagine, also, the effect which good legislation in Britain would have on other countries, wherein millions of people are looking to Britain as the helpless look to a guardian, and as pupils look to a tutor, -and then say whether the possession of the elective franchise in Britain be not a privilege more precious than fine gold.

Are you disposed to meet this appeal by the pitiful and false plea that you are but a unit among thousands, and that one vote is therefore of trifling value? How know you that one vote is of trifling value? I will put a case. It is not necessary to be assured that it has actually, in every particular, happened. It is enough to know that the elements of which the case consists are real, and that the actual combination of them is possible. Suppose, then, a new Parliament to be at first headed by a bad ministry, but that bad ministry to be in so tottering a condition that a little thing would upset it. Suppose that on a critical question this bad and tottering ministry were to be in a minority of one, and therefore compelled to give up office. Suppose, again, that the member of Parliament for your borough had voted against that bad ministry; and suppose, also, that you had voted for that member, and that he had been returned by a majority of one; then your vote may be considered as having had a most important part in changing the whole course of things in this great nation, and in the world at large,-almost every nation being more or less connected with us, and affected, for evil or for good, by us. Let us then hear no more of one vote being of trifling importance. The principle, common though it be, of shrinking from duty, either because you cannot do much, or because you think it not likely that such a number of persons will be inclined to act with you as to render your acting of any use, is idle, cowardly, and unchristian-like. Remember our great Master's eulogy on a pious woman: "She hath done what she could" Remember, also, that the servant, in the parable, who had one talent, was punished, not for doing wrong, but for doing nothing; not for not having two talents, but for not using the one talent which he had. Be assured your possession of the elective franchise is a talent. If it were a small one, you ought to use it, and make the most of it; but it is not a small one. I have shown you that, for aught you know, it may turn out to be, in its results, a great one. But, great or small, it is in two respects not yours. It is intrusted to you by the constitution of your country, not that you may vote for a man whose friends will be good customers at your shop, and thus put a hundred a year into your pocket; not

In

that you may vote for a man whose study will be to keep his place in Parliament, by trying to get bills passed which will please his constituents, whatever becomes of the nation; but that you may assist in sending a man to Parliament who will prove himself to be not merely a lover of his borough and his country, and his "order," but also of the nation, and of the world. another respect your elective franchise is not your own property. It is intrusted to you by Divine Providence,-by Him whose steward you are, and who requires every one of his servants to do all possible good to all mankind. Perhaps you never viewed the matter in this light before. Your nerves have been so much affected by the outcry raised against politics and political Dissenters, that your inclination led you, and your conscience almost allowed you, to resolve never to vote again. I am not asking you to be a member of the candidate's committee, when the time of election comes,-although I wish that a larger number of Christian patriots, averse to drunkenness and bribery of every kind, would consent to act on such committees, in order to counteract the influence of the many unprincipled men who hold that office; but I am merely asking you to take the little trouble of ascertaining which candidate is likely to be the most useful member, and then to take the further trouble of going to the polling-booth and giving in your name for that man. The case certainly may occur in which you would be fully justified in declining to vote. It is a good as well as a prudent and obvious rule, to do nothing when you know not what to do; and though it be right to choose the less of two evils, when the difference between them is decisive, and you are obliged to have one of them, yet it can never be right to do wrong. Now to send a man to Parliament who, in some department of vital importance, is disposed to legislate ill, is doing wrong; and therefore, if both or all the candidates are such men, you had better sit still and do nothing. Errors indeed admit of so many degrees, and particular cases include so many special circumstances, that it is impossible to lay down rules which shall meet every case; but if our general principles are sound, and we are honestly disposed to act according to them, we shall seldom go far astray. I will take it for granted that you agree with me in believing that the two great questions of the day are freedom in religion and freedom in trade. Both religion and trade are now saying to Government,-Let us alone. A large and increasing body of religious people,-including, since the Maynooth bill passed, and Mr. Baptist Noel's letter was published, thousands of Episcopalians, -are saying to Government,-Please to let religion alone. A large and increasing body of Englishmen,-thanks to the men of Manchester, -are saying to Government,-Please, as much as possible, to let trade alone. The free-trade

question is, in our view, a very great question, -involving, as it does, not only plenty of bread, and therefore cheap bread; but plenty of work, and therefore good wages; but the prevention of war, by making it the obvious interest of nations to abstain from it, and the facilitating the spread of the gospel, through the prevalence of commerce and of peace. We mean not, of course, that all these good things would be the immediate and invariable results of free trade; but that free trade would have a powerful

tendency to produce these results: and we believe that neither farmer nor landlord will ultimately have cause to regret that Government ceased to regard abundance of food to be an evil which should be provided against by law.

But freedom in religion is also a great question; especially now, when the question is not simply, as it used to be, Shall existing establishments remain? but, Shall there be other establishments in addition to it? Besides, the majority of the ministers whom Oxford, not to say Cambridge, is sending forth annually through the kingdom are lovers of the middle ages; "dark" and priest-ridden as those ages were, and many of these "priests" are not so much Church and State men as all Church men. They would like the Church to be not merely independent of State control, (without, however, giving up the money,) but above the State. Certainly, our fear that the days of despotism and persecution will return are not great; but unless resolution and perseverance be manifested by the friends of liberty, both civil and religious, it is impossible to say what may happen,-for these thousands of ministers must needs have considerable influence, and not a few of the laity among all ranks already sympathize with them in many things, without being aware of the tendency to despotism which attaches to the system they have embraced. Happily, the days of civil wars and revolutions are, as we trust, over and gone. The House of Commons is now the field where the bloodless battles of liberty must be fought, and it is the business of electors to see that good soldiers are sent to that field.

Of the two great questions of the day, that which concerns freedom of religion is, we think, the greater. We should like, of course, to have for our representatives men who are not only altogether right on the subject of trade, but equally right on the subject of religious establishments; and in some few boroughs where Nonconformists and Anti-Establishment Episcopalians are, conjointly, a majority of the voters, it would not be too much to expect that their representatives should be such men; but where Dissenters, though numerous, are in the minority, it would, I conceive, be equally unwise and unjust for them to insist on a candidate's being precisely of their views. If, likeminded with themselves on the question of free trade, he be right, I think we ought to support him, provided we are assured that he will not vote for any fresh grant of money for religious purposes, or for any other measure adapted to augment the religious establishment evil. would not absolutely denounce a man because he voted for the Maynooth grants, provided⭑ there be good grounds for believing that he will never again give such a vote. A politician who is right in the two great questions of the day, is not likely to be much in the wrong on any other; but no other qualifications-not liberality in politics, nor personal piety, nor both combined-can, at this crisis, compensate for the grievous, and, to a legislator, the perilous deficiency of not being able to distinguish between the things that are Cæsar's, and the things that are God's. From such a man, therefore, I must withhold my vote, whatever be the consequence. Should the result be the rejection of a liberal candidate, and the substitution of an illiberal in his stead, I shall deplore it, but the fault will not be mine.

I

The leaders of the liberal interest in my borough must bear the blame, for not having brought forward a man whose principles, while coinciding with theirs, were not contrary to ours. If Nonconformists generally, from this time, will combine reasonableness with decision, not acting the childish part of caressing their old enemies and smiting their old friends, but, while willing "to

give and take" in doubtful and nonessential matters, determined never to betray the cause of genuine religious freedom, not merely will they themselves be respected, but their influence for good will be felt in the House of Commons, and, through that house, everywhere else. J. B. S.

TO THE CHURCHES OF THE CONGREGATIONAL ORDER IN THE COUNTY OF LANCASHIRE, WITH THEIR PASTORS AND DEACONS.

BELOVED AND HONOURED BRETHREN,-The county in which Divine Providence has appointed you a dwelling-place ranks among the most influential in Great Britain. Your commerce and manufactures draw upon you the eyes of all nations: your prosperity and wealth invite and direct the footsteps of the philanthropist to your towns, that he may be aided in those enterprises which bless mankind, and add to the common triumphs of civilization and of religion.

But to you, as the disciples of Jesus Christ, there are objects more worthy of life than commerce, and deeds more noble than those which simply express the kindness of our nature. You, with men of like principles, associated in other religious bodies, are the persons to whom the educational and religious states of your county are mainly committed. To religious men the country looks for the fruits of religion; for large views of every subject relating to man's earthly happiness, and for large views and deeds respecting his existence after death. Education and the spread of religion belong mainly to the churches of Christ. Many things, in common with society in general, they will labour to achieve for the advancement of social happiness, the relief of human suffering, and the advancement and honour of the country we so much love; but the development of the mind, and the committal to it of the great principles of Christianity, are objects worthy of the labours and the property of Christians. You have, dear brethren, stood out prominently among the churches of our order in your Home Missionary labours, and in your offerings to enrich heathen lands with the gospel you so much prize. This epistle breathes no complaint, but in all the warmth and frankness of Christian friendship

It appears, to the honour of the Congregational churches of Lancashire, that from 1814 to May, 1844, they contributed to the London Missionary Society £66,551 10s. 10d.; and for 1845 the amount was £8178 4s. 11d.

congratulates you, and presents thanksgiving to Almighty God for his blessings upon the ministers and churches of Lancashire, especially during the last half century.

From you, dear brethren, and from other friends of the education of British children, the Congregational Board of Education has received a solemn trust, and it desires, in the fear of God, to the satisfaction of the churches, and the benefit of the nation, seriously and energetically to discharge all the duties involved in that trust. It has no power, however, to do this, but in the principles, sympathy, and generous aid of those who constituted the Board, and assigned to it its difficult and laborious work.

By the assistance of important local arrangements, the Board has aided, to a certain extent, to work the county of Essex. The churches have given to the deputation the heartiest welcome; generously presented, according to their ability, their offerings to the educational treasury; and the cause of education, of religion, of love, and of union has been greatly aided by such labours. About thirty meetings have been held in Essex, and the sum of nearly £8000 has been promised by the churches. The Board is desirous to hold about fifty meetings in Lancashire, and, inclusive of the sums already contributed, would rejoice to have to report that the voluntary offerings of Congregationalists to the educational treasury of Lancashire amount to the sum of £50,000.

The Board will now lay before you some facts which it has collected, and respectfully offer a few suggestions; and it is hoped that when they are seriously reflected upon, some great practical result will follow for the benefit of the county.

The population of Lancashire in 1841 was 1,667,054, being an increase within the ten preceding years of 167,054, and at the same ratio of increase the present amount (December, 1845) is 1,742,226. The county is divided into seven hundreds, and the following table forms a summary of the whole.*

* The statistics of the several hundreds are given at length in the document sent to us, but we can furnish room only for the summary.