detention in a state of slavery of any human beings; since God has made them of one blood,' has endowed them with the capabilities of reason and reflection, and has designed for them, without exception of colour or country, all the blessings of the common salvation: that it is, therefore, most awfully culpable to withhold from any of them the rights of personal freedom, the advantages of Christian instruction, or a full equality of participation in the privileges and ordinances of the church of Christ; and that to withhold any of these sacred and inalienable rights on the ground of colour and of descent, is to act in direct opposition to the spirit and requirements of Christianity, and to yield to the influence of a prejudice at once unworthy of an enlightened nation, and altogether inconsistent with the avowed principles of a people distinguished among the nations of the earth as the assertors and advocates of national freedom and independence.

"That being commanded by the authority of their Lord and Master not to suffer sin upon their brethren,' they feel impelled, alike by a sense of duty and by the consciousness of brotherly love, most earnestly and affectionately to beseech their dear brethren of the Transatlantic churches to unite together, by their most strenuous, persevering, and judicious efforts, accompanied by their fervent prayers, with a view to liberate their churches and their nation from the fearful responsibility and reproach of being in any degree implicated in the guilt of the slave-holding and slavedealing part of the American population; and thus to do what in them lies to achieve the entire abolition of slavery, to avert the displeasure of "the blessed and only Potentate,' the righteous Ruler and Judge of nations, from whom alone cometh true and lasting prosperity, and to bring down more abundantly upon their country, as well as upon themselves, those showers of blessing which have already descended upon so many of their favoured churches."

The noble series of resolutions of which these are part, be it known, was adopted at an Assembly in which the celebrated defender of Slavery, the Rev. R. J. Breckenridge, of Baltimore, appeared as a delegate from the Presbyterian church of America! Our contemporary exultingly states this fact as an example of fellowship with slaveholders, but says not a word about the resolutions adopted for his instruction, and the reproof of those who sent him!

Again, in 1838, the Union, still faithful to truth, righteousness, and the slave, addressed an elaborate letter to the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of the United States, from which we select the following manifesto :

"The Committee of the Congregational Union of England and Wales cannot, honoured brethren, forbear a kind and cautious, but faithful reference to the subject of the extensive system of negro slavery still tolerated in your otherwise free and noble country. As a political or merely social question, this Committee does not now contemplate or allude to this painful, anxious subject. In that view our own country has but so recently freed herself from the guilt of upholding slavery-it is, indeed, a question whether

she has as yet so freed herself-that it would ill become Englishmen to upbraid other nations with their participation in it. Neither does this Committee forget that our nation originated and fostered in yours the very slavery we now speak of with grief and expostulation. The only point they can regard with some measure of satisfaction in relation to this dark page of British history is, that the serious Christians of their country, of all denominations, have long, with one voice, protested against negro slavery as a grievous national sin, contrary alike to the genius and law of mild and merciful Christianity. It is precisely this, brethren, that British Christians are deeply anxious to witness among American Christians. They look across the Atlantic with wishful, inquiring eye; they open with solicitude every organ of Christian sentiment from America, to see whether faithful and godly disciples of Jesus, of every name, are coming to one conclusion, and bearing one testimony against slavery in the midst of freedom, against oppression in the land of revivals. When British Christians can see this state of public, universal, religious sentimeut against slavery among their American brethren, they will love them with re-doubled affection; they will recognize in that rising spirit of Christian mercy, truth, and power, the speedy doom of slavery; they will find their fears for America, on this account, relieved and diminished, when they learn that her Christian sons no longer participate in its guilt. Brethren suffer this word of exhortation, and use a like freedom and friendship in admonishing your British brethren of their faulty principles and neglected duties."

Again, in 1840, nothing discouraged, the Union, besides pressing the subject in its Letter to the Churches in the State of New York, at an adjourned meeting, expressed its opinions in language more emphatic than ever, in the following truthful and powerful resolution, moved by Dr. Redford, and seconded by Dr. Matheson, another of the deputation :

"That this meeting of the Congregational Union of England and Wales avails itself of the present opportunity-the first that has presented itself since the meeting of the late Anti-Slavery Convention in London-of bearing its unanimous and most decided testimony to the importance of the objects contemplated by that Convention -of expressing, in the most emphatic terms, abhorrence of the crime of slave-holding, and deep conviction of its repugnance to Christianity-of recording expressions of grief and humiliation in observing the tenacity with which the professing Christian public, and Christian ministers generally, of the United States of America still cling to this blood-stained and hateful practice-of earnestly imploring those American brethren, for the honour of our common Christianity, calmly to consider the deep guilt in which their system of slavery involves them, the impediments it presents to the successful promotion of the gospel, both in their own country and in Africa; and the national disgrace indelibly attaching to the only civilized and Christianized people in the world that maintains the practice of domestic slavery—a nation that does but proclaim its own dishonour when it glories in pre-eminent liberty achieved by its own energies, but denied to millions within its own bosom.

Yet

Nor can this meeting forbear to express warm sympathy with the devoted Abolitionists of America in their generous zeal to free their fellow men from hateful bondage, and their country from the more hateful crime of holding them in cruel captivity; and in the noble courage with which, amidst every disadvantage, they take their firm stand for truth, liberty, and benevolence. this meeting must add, in explanation, that it does not approve, but deplores the extravagance and bitterness, the violence and irregular proceedings by which some American Abolitionists have brought discredit on their holy cause, and placed difficulties in the way of its early, peaceful, and perfect triumph."

Thus both the members of the deputation, in succession, bore faithful testimony against the American churches, to their faces. These are only a portion of the references to Slavery to be found in the documents of the Union, and we confess to a pleasure, not easily expressed, in giving the currency of our pages to records of deeds so worthy of the Independents of the nineteenth century, and so full of honour to the English name. It is impossible to conceive of a course more disinterested, upright, generous, and philanthropic. In this matter the Independents have marched ahead of all the British denominations. That the Independents "commenced the intercourse," instead of black reproach, is to their lasting glory; that they patiently kept it up for so many years, while their remonstrance was without effect, redounds to the honour of their Christian principle and their philanthropic prudence. From the first they have entreated, warned, protested, remonstrated. Is it not, then, somewhat odd to hear our contemporary stating with so much innocence that the Free Church has just been "following the example of the Union ?"

6. Finally, The Union is in no manner nor degree whatever a party to the views and principles expressed in the articles in question, which are solely and only our own-views long held, for we never held any other; and principles uniformly avowed, for we never avowed any other,views and principles, we repeat, for

which the Union is in no way whatever responsible. Our contemporary, we think, cannot but know these things. If he does not, where is his common sense? If he does, where is his Christian candour? He dexterously contrives to confound the Union with us, and us with the Union, and then to make each responsible for the deeds of the other. To serve his purpose, both in the passage we have extracted, and elsewhere, he dwells on the fact that the CHRISTIAN WITNESS is the "official organ" of the Union, but never once allows his eye to fall on the subsequent words on the title-page, viz., that "for the general contents the Editor is responsible." This single circumstance at once annihilates the whole of our contemporary's argument, and turns his triumph into confusion. But it nevertheless so happens that the views of the Editor, as expressed in the articles in question, are in perfect harmony with the proceedings of the Union. The resolutions of the Union represent the American churches as "steeped in guilt," in terms far more emphatic than any we have used. Let our readers mark this, and then pronounce upon the conduct of our censor. How does 66 the whole story tell" now? Is "further comment needed?" On which side now lies the "painfully discreditable?" The article of our contemporary-we thank him for his appropriate description of himself and his doings -"is the coolest piece of controversy with which we have met for a long season, and exemplifies a code of editorial ethics which it is as unpleasant to dwell upon as it would be disgraceful to imitate." Our course on this point is marked by no change, contradiction, or inconsistency. On this subject we have no words to eat, no confessions to make, no errors to retract, no blunders to repair. We have ever been, we are, we shall, while life lasts, continue, with augmented determination, to be the fearless foes of Slavery, and faithful witnesses against the slaveholder, although for this we should, by him and his abettors, be not only maligned, but even likened to Caligula !

Friendly Hints to Female Servants on the best Means for promoting their own and their Employers' Happiness. By Mrs. J. BAKEWELL. Fourth Edition, greatly enlarged. 32mo, pp. 87. Snow.

By this work alone Mrs. Bakewell has

performed an important service to the whole nation-a service far greater than that of some who have received public pensions. The eight chapters are thus headed: Sacrifices and Advantages peculiar to Domestic Service-Personal Religion-Duties to Employers-Behaviour

to

Children-Personal DeportmentChoice of a Place, and Advantage of long continuance in one Family-Care of Health, and Provision for a Time of Affliction. Such are the points of the book, which are admirably worked out. If our

earnest wish could be accomplished, there would not be a servant-maid in England without a copy. To every mistress we say, Present it. Where not presented, to every maid we say, Procure it.

TUESDAY MORNING, October 13th.-The first session of the delegates and members of the Union was held in the hall of the Mechanics' Institute, Duke-street, Devonport; the Rev. Dr. Vaughan, Professor of Theology in the Lancashire Independent College, Manchester, presided, and opened the proceedings with worship, and an address, in which beautiful allusion was made to the emigrant pilgrim fathers, who took refuge in Plymouth harbour to refit, when driven back in their first attempt to cross the Atlantic.

The Rev. A. Wells presented for consideration of the Assembly the proposed revision of the constitution of the Union, and of the plans for conducting the business of its Assemblies, prepared in pursuance of instructions given by the last annual meeting-as also proposals for increased union in the public meetings and executive of the three societies for British Missions, and read the following explanatory paper thereon:

Frequent changes in public institutions, and in their course of procedure, are to be deprecated as highly injurious. In many cases it is a less evil to retain what is acknowledged to be defective, than to encounter the possible or pro

bable disadvantages of change. But dread of change must not be allowed to preclude all improvement. Cases may arise in which wisdom will clearly discern, and the utmost caution freely allow, the propriety of attempting improvement by alteration. Such a case and course is now submitted for consideration in respect to the constitution of this Union; the methods hitherto adopted in conducting the business of its public assemblies; and in connection therewith, the annual meetings and executive of the three societies for British Missions.

This union of the Congregational churches, and the connection therewith of their Missions in England, Ireland, and the Colonies, are plans that have been adopted to meet the wants and the character of the times in which we live, and to secure the advantages of co-operation among Independents in the degrees and methods most in harmony with their cherished principles. They have met with very extensive, and constantly-growing approval. They have been attended with many and obvious advantages. There is every encouragement to persevere vigorously in the course thus commenced. experience has disclosed some inconveniences and imperfections in these plans. In part they have been felt by the committees and officers of the Union, and of the British Mission Societies, in conducting the affairs and proceedings of these institutions; and in part the public voice has given utterance to complaint. The imperfections thus ascertained, and the changes proposed for their removal, will be now briefly explained, to assist in the consideration of them, now to be entered upon.

But

In respect to the constitution of the Union, it has been found in its practical working to contain no effectual provision for securing an adequate yearly income, for establishing a sufficiently defined membership, or for settling plainly and securely the right of suffrage in its public Assemblies. These defects it is proposed to remedy by adopting a money qualification for membership.

Moreover, the plan of receiving Associations corporately into the general Union has been attended with serious inconveniences. On the one hand, it prevented the distinct and independent consideration of the question of connection with the General Union, on the part of each separate church and its pastor-on the other hand it brought into nominal connection with the General Union entire Associations, while some pastors and churches included therein were dissentient from the vote of adhesion, and therefore, of course, not included in it. This disadvantage it is proposed to remedy by constituting the union of churches individually received; but still carefully retaining the sole test of eligibility for admission in the case of every individual church; namely, its previous connection with some local Association.

Further; in some cases, a pastor may desire to join the Union though his church may be reluctant-or deacons of such churches may wish such connection-or the deacons of churches connected with the Union may be desirous to aid its funds, and to be united with it by personal contribution and membership-it is proposed to render the officers of churches already in some Association, so circumstanced, eligible for personal membership in the General Union. With regard to the conduct of the proceedings of the Assemblies of the Union, the objection seems to be, that hitherto it has been too much in the hands of the General Committee, leaving to the Assembly not enough of independent action. It is proposed to remedy this evil by appointing a preliminary meeting of each Assembly, by which Committees may be nominated for preparing the business to be submitted to its subsequent sessions.

This, however, is an arrangement not to be effected without the concurrence of the Societies for British Missions. The time throughout the week devoted to these public proceedings is fully occupied, or rather crowded, and the meeting of each society has by mutual agreement its fixed position, so that no addition or change is practicable but by friendly adjustment. But the arrangements for the annual meetings of the British Mission Societies have not been altogether satisfactory. The meeting of the Colonial Missionary Society has been reserved for the evening of Friday, in the week of general business, after attendance and strength have been previously exhausted; and that of the Home Missionary Society has been disadvantageously postponed into the week following. It has been thought that to concentrate into two meetings on one day the whole subject of British Missions-the Annual Meeting in the

morning, and a supplemental meeting in the evening-would greatly increase the interest of these public proceedings, and much more efficiently serve the great objects of British Missions.

With the consent, therefore, of all the Committees interested in these arrangements, it is proposed,-1. To hold a preliminary meeting of the Assembly of the Union, for preparing its proceedings, on the Monday of the missionary week. 2. To hold the Annual Meeting of the three British Mission Societies conjointly, in Exeter Hall, on the morning of the Tuesday, and an additional meeting in Finsbury Chapel, on the evening of the same day. 3. To hold sessions of the Assembly of the Union in the morning and evening of the Friday-and a third session on the Saturday morning, specially for the business of the Board for General Education.

The Committees of the three Societies for British Missions have also concluded that the business connected therewith will be best conducted by a joint Board, chosen in the united meeting of the friends of the three societies, and with Secretaries elected in like mannerthe Board and the Secretaries to act in common for the three Societies, but a separate Treasurer to be retained for each institution.

Such are the views and proposals to be now submitted for the consideration of this Assembly, in the more precise form of distinct propositions. Nothing now done can finally decide any of these various points. What relates to the Congregational Union is submitted to this meeting by the Committee, under instructions from the last Annual Assembly, that the proposals now approved may be published preparatory to further consideration at the next Annual Assembly. In respect to what affects the Societies for British Missions, the Union and its Assemblies have no authority. These societies are independent, and conduct their own affairs accordingly. But they stand in such connection with this Union, and derive such advantage from that connection, as to enter willingly into conference with you on their affairs, especially when, as in the present instance, they effect harmonious and beneficial co-operation between them and you. The advice and judgment of this Assembly is, therefore, sought on the proposals now to be submitted for altered arrangements in the public meetings, and in the executive of the Societies for British Missions.

Your cordial interest in these important public movements will doubtless secure for them the advantage of your calm and devout consideration.

You will join heart, hand, and prayer in your best efforts for the increased and permanent efficiency of the Congregational Union, and of its associated Societies for British Missions.

The proposed revision was then read; and it was moved by Rev. Dr. G. Payne, of the Western College; seconded by the Rev. Thomas Stenner, of Dartmouth, and carried:

1. That the proposed revision of the Constitution of the Union be received, for consideration.

The several clauses were then read, considered, and amended seriatim, and finally adopted in form as follows:

REVISED CONSTITUTION OF THE CONGREGATIONAL UNION OF ENGLAND AND WALES.

I. Purposes for which the proposed revision is deemed necessary:

1. To establish a more strictly defined membership.

2. To ascertain thus, more certainly, the right of suffrage in the meetings of the annual assembly and of its adjournments.

3. To secure a sufficient and regular income. II. Revision proposed for attainment of these objects:

1. To retain the present test of eligibility for the connection of churches with the Unionnamely, previous union with a local association; but to require also a money qualification for membership.

2. That the Union be no longer constituted of associations entire, but of churches severally.

3. The annual payment of a church in order to membership to be not less than ten shillings.

4. That the tutors of the theological colleges, and the officers of the general public societies connected with the Congregational body, being members of an Independent church, and ministers connected with associations, though no longer holding a pastoral charge, be ex-officio qualified for membership in the Union; the annual payment in order to such individual membership to be not less than five shillings.

5. That admission by vote shall not be necessary to membership in the Union, but that eligible applicants shall be enrolled of right on application to the committee, and payment of the required subscription.

6. That every pastor of a church connected with the Union, and every personal member of the Union, shall be entitled to attend and vote at its public meetings; and every such church shall be entitled to send also two delegates, and if any such church consist of more than one hundred members, three-or one additional delegate for every additional hundred of members

any church may contain. Other persons present cannot be allowed to vote.

The session was then closed with prayer, conducted by the Rev. Thomas Binney.

TUESDAY EVENING, October 13th.-The Annual Sermon for the Union, (a most appropriate and impressive discourse on Rev. iii. 22,) was preached by the Rev. John Ely, of Leeds, in Princes-street Chapel, Devonport, Rev. William Spencer's. The opening prayer was conducted by the Rev. R. Ashton, of Putney; the closing prayer by the Rev. W. S. Palmer, of London,

WEDNESDAY, October 14th.-' The second morning session was held in the hall of the Mechanics' Institute, Princes-square, Plymouth. Dr. Vaughan having resumed the chair, proceedings were commenced with worship; the Rev. B. Kent, of Barnstaple, conducting prayer.

The proposed new arrangements for conducting the proceedings of the annual assemblies of the Union having been read, and received for consideration on the motion of the Rev. Thomas Mann, of Trowbridge, seconded by the Rev. R. Ashton, of Putney, they were considered and adopted seriatim, as follow:

1. That a preliminary meeting of the Annual Assembly be held on the Monday of the missionary week, to which shall be submitted a statement of all business to be brought under the consideration of the ensuing sessions, whether by the Committee of the Union, or by any other party; and the meeting shall thereupon nominate, as it may deem necessary, a committee on each several matter of business, to consider and report thereon to the Assembly.

2. That in particular a committee shall always be appointed at this meeting, to consist of five members of the Committee of the Union, and seven brethren from the country; which committee shall advise the Annual Assembly in the choice of officers and committee for the year, and of chairman and place of Autumnal Meeting for the next following year.

3. That the Tuesday being henceforth yielded to the British Missions for their public meetings, and opportunities on that and the intervening days being obtained for the committees to prepare the business for the Annual Assembly, its sessions be held on the morning and evening of the Friday, and on the morning of the Saturday.

The proposals of the Committees of the Three Societies for British Missions to secure a closer union in their executive, were then read; but before the meeting proceeded to consider them, Samuel Morley, Esq., of London, adverted to the