argument was wanting, and by this sort of senatorial cry of panic the country must be pacified. Does your statesmanship go no further than this? A little panic gotten up by the certifiers of General Jackson's enemies. The gentleman thinks there is a party in this country, whose origin he traces up with the skill of a political genealogist to the days of Alexander Hamilton, who hate gold and silver. I assure the gentleman I am am not one of the haters of gold and silver. These rascal counters I have a great affection for. The haters of gold and silver are not to be found among politicians. Those who wished the bank rechartered were the friends of gold and silver. Congress is not bound to think the order right, because the President thought it right." Mr. Crittenden could see no occasion for adopting the language of the senator from Missouri, indicating gratitude and thanks to the executive for causing this "Treasury order" to be issued; he would respect the executive in proportion to his fidelity and wisdom in the discharge of his duty. There is no necessity for treating him as a demigod. In 1838 Mr. Crittenden spoke against the new Treasury notes; he considered this only a new form of national debt. The people were deceived, while the government moved softly on, fed fat by the facility with which it supplied itself with means. He thought if it took ten millions of extraordinary supplies every six or eight months to keep the administration on its legs, the sooner they were recorded on the bills of mortality the better for the people. The cry of this magnificent administration was still "Money! money!" but for his part he would say, "Take physic pomp." He would not vote a dollar for the cry of exigency; he must have light, so as to excuse himself to his constituents. (Hon. J. J. Crittenden to his son Robert.) SENATE-CHAMBER, January 3, 1837. DEAR BOB, I am so much pleased with the number of your letters, and so anxious to encourage in you a disposition to write, that I shall not fail to do my part in the correspondence. No exercise of the mind seems to me better calculated to form the invaluable habit of accurate thinking and of easy and proper expression than the practice of reducing our thoughts to writing, and letter-writing is the most familiar and easy mode of doing this. But yet how few there are who ever attain to excellence in this most useful and important art! There is scarcely anything more indispensable to success in life. An educated man may be dressed in rags, his outward appearance may not indicate his character; but let him put his pen to paper, and his merits are instantly disclosed. Nothing is more sure to condemn a pretender than an ill-expressed, ill-spelt piece of writing. In the judgment of a man of taste such a production would condemn the author irretrievably. Let it be your ambition to learn early, and strive by steady practice to improve your style and manner of writing. Though certainly less in importance, even the handwriting, the mechanical part, is worthy of consideration,-sufficiently so, at least, to deserve your earnest attention. When I say to you that I know you have high capacity, I do not say it to flatter, but to make you sensible of obligations to employ and improve it. My hopes of you are high and proud, and no small portion of my future happiness or unhappiness depends on you,-on your fulfillment or disappointment of those hopes. I trust the recollection of all this will be cherished by you and stimulate you to every honorable exertion in pursuit of honorable distinction. Do not be satisfied with mediocrity either in your exertions or successes. Cherish also feelings of honor and kindness, and principles of truth and integrity. Suffer anything rather than utter a falsehood or do a dishonorable act. Cultivate and guard a sense of honor, and struggle, my boy, my dear boy, to be all that you know I wish you to be. Your mother, I think, wrote to you a few days since, and sent you some newspapers. I hope, however, that you will not give up much of your time to newspapers. You asked my permission some time since to give up the study of Greek. I am very unwilling, my son, that you should do this. It is a most beautiful language, and easy to be acquired after the first difficulties are overcome. In twelve months, and devoting only a part of each day to it, I had learned it so well that I read for a single lesson an entire book of Homer. I was then older than you are and better prepared for the study; but go on, you will find it easier than Latin, and will rejoice that you have learned it,―go to it with cheerfulness and spirit, determined to master it. I send you a five-dollar note, as you complain of being in want of cash. Your wants cannot be very extensive; probably this sum may do, if not, write again. Your affectionate father, ROBERT H. CRITTENDEN. (Henry Clay to R. P. Letcher.) WASHINGTON, January 17, 1837. Dear Letcher, I yesterday addressed a letter to the General Assembly, accepting the appointment which it has recently conferred upon me. I need not say to you, who know me, with what unaffected sincerity I desire to retire, that this decision has cost me the most painful sacrifices of feeling, and I shall hail with the greatest pleasure the occurrence of circumstances which will admit of my resignation with satisfaction to myself and without dishonor to myself. The Senate is no longer a place for a decent man. Yesterday Benton's Expunging Resolutions passed, 24 to 19; and the disgraceful work of drawing black lines around the Resolve of 1834 was executed at nine o'clock at night. The darkness of the deed and of the hour was well suited to each other. You will observe that a bill for the relief of yourself and your friend Moore has passed the House. The latter part of it will be a bitter pill, which I do not know that I can swallow. R. P. LETCHER. Your friend, HENRY CLAY. (J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) WASHINGTON, March 8, 1837. DEAR BURNLEY,-I have at last the pleasure of announcing to you the recognition of the independence of Texas by this government. Yesterday the Senate confirmed the nomination of M. La Branche, of New Orleans, as our representative to the government of Texas. The destiny of Texas may now be considered as settled, so far as relates to her national independence; and I trust that independence will be fruitful of all the blessings of good government to her people. In the midst of this jubilee for the birth of a new nation, I cannot forget to rejoice a little at the brightened prospects of my friends, whose private interests have been connected with the fortunes of Texas. I wish for you an estate of a million only. That will be enough for a plain republican, and I hope you will be satisfied with it. General Jackson left the District yesterday on his way to the Hermitage. As it was said of Richard's natural life, so it may be said of Jackson's political life, that "nothing in his life became him like the leaving it." The Senate is yet in session. I shall leave here to-morrow morning. After the glorious news from Texas you will have no taste for anything I could write. I am in all haste and confusion, in perplexity and preparation, for my departure. For God's sake, be an adviser for George. Get acquainted with my old friend Archer, and make George known to him; he is a noble fellow and true friend. Your friend, A. T. BURNLEY. J. J. CRITTENDEN. CHAPTER IX. 1837-1840. Admission of Michigan-Purchasing Madison Papers-Letters. N 1837 Mr. Crittenden advocated the immediate admission of Michigan, and opposed the adoption of the preamble attached to the bill, because it did not tell the whole truth. He also spoke eloquently in favor of purchasing the Madison papers, stating his conviction that nowhere could more light be found as to the just interpretation of the powers of the Constitution. He declared that if the remains of Mr. Madison were known to exist, in the remotest corner of the world, he would vote for an expedition to bring back dust so sacred to this country; as to the copyright, so precious did he hold the manuscript that, if he possessed it, he would not sell it for thirty thousand dollars. Mr. Crittenden was always in favor of the distribution bill; he did not advocate the collection of revenue for the purpose of distribution, but if a surplus of revenue occurred legitimately, he contended that it should not be thrown into the deposit banks, to excite the cupidity of those corporations, but back into the hands of the people; it should not be kept on hand to meet the fancies or lusts of those in power. He believed that virtue was the foundation of republican government, and that a lavish expenditure of public money had a direct tendency to undermine public virtue. The executive had told the Senate that a surplus furnished means for speculation; and so strong had been his conviction of the evil, that, with a view to prevent it, he had assumed the responsibility of the "Treasury order." Mr. Crittenden remembered well when the President commenced his attack on the United States Bank. He had held out to the nation the golden prospect of a specie circulation. This was the cheap purchase of anticipated glory, and rang from Maine to Georgia; but when the promised time came, the objections were many and insurmountable. The argument used was, that this money would corrupt the people, and it must therefore be left in the hands of the pure and incorruptible men who now had the management of it. With regard to the fourth installment of the deposit bill, Mr. Crittenden contended that it must be paid, that the faith pledged by an act of Congress should not be so lightly broken. The government could get no available funds by means of this. bill; so great was its tenacity for a metallic currency that it would not even acknowledge the money of the country. The States had entered into contracts, and incurred expenses, on the expectation of receiving this money. The States will gladly receive these funds which the government rejects; the people have full confidence in the banks and would take their paper. Mr. C. declared that the money belonged to the people, from whom the government had collected it. Notwithstanding the great distress of the people, and the lessons in economy read to them by the President, the only object of the administration seems to be to fill the Treasury. In the early part of this year, Mr. Crittenden opposed the bill for the increase of the army. I believe the bill proposed to fix the minimum of the army at 12,500. The pretext for this was the danger of sudden irruptions of the Indians on the frontier. Mr. Crittenden said it was vain to affect a terror of this down-fallen race, trampled in the dust, broken in spirit, borne down by oppression and injustice; they were a poor, degraded race, living on the charity of the government. He opposed all increase of the army, or of the fortifications, considering them a useless burden on the nation. The bill formed part of a mischievous system of policy founded on principles repugnant to the genius of our country. (J. J. Crittenden to Leslie Combs.) SENATE, March 20th, 1838. MY DEAR SIR,-I received your letter relating to the claim of our friend Allen. The excitement which was created here by the duel was, for a time, great. The affair was to be blended with politics, and all the little politicians were set to work accordingly. The case was suited to their capacity, and, for a time, their success was great, and the excitement high. But a reaction is now, I am told, taking place with almost equal rapidity. A vile spirit of political persecution is seizing on the |