occasion to injure or destroy Graves, and for other party advantages. We believe that they will be disappointed in this, and that they can derive no advantage from it when the public has been made acquainted with the whole matter. I shall not now attempt to give you any history of the affair. Graves acted from a sense of honor. If he went a step too far, it was from extreme sensibility which he felt as a Kentucky representative. He worked to avoid every possibility of reproach upon his honor and his gallantry at the hazard of every peril. You know how a Kentuckian feels when at a distance from home. The honor of his State is in his hands,-so he thinks and feels,—and the sentiment, though it may sometimes err, is worthy of encouragement. You will have learned all the circumstances before this reaches you, and will, I hope, be prepared to think favorably of Graves's case. Depend on it, he is a pure-minded, noble-hearted fellow, and as brave as Julius Cæsar. He ought to have your sympathies. I have no room for comment. Kentucky blood here is all warm toward Graves. From the administration presses the vilest abuse is poured out on him, and on Wise particularly. We hoped to hear a somewhat different note from our Kentucky papers, but, really, their style has been almost as damning, by its faint, puny, stinted sort of defense. I appeal to you for Graves. Look to this subject, and give the proper tone to his vindication in our papers in your town, if it meets the approbation of your judgment. Your friend, LESLIE L. COMBS. The JOHN J. CRITTENDEN. In 1838 Mr. Calhoun's resolutions, authorizing anti-slavery documents to be taken from the Southern mails, were under discussion. Mr. Crittenden denounced them as vague abstractions, calculated to produce agitation, fine-spun theories, upon which no two men could agree. The mover of the resolutions was continually uttering the trite cry of danger to the Union, and declaring that, if he is not followed in this movement, the Union will be destroyed. Mr. C. thought the surest way to break up the Union would be to follow that gentleman in his violent course. Such language might be only a polite method of carrying, by wild alarm, every trembling vote in his train. "Has the South no friends but the gentleman and his little party? Is no other banner displayed, under which the friends of the South can range themselves, but the tattered, shattered flag of this little States Rights party ?" Mr. Crittenden thought himself a States Rights man, but he could not follow Mr. Cal houn in his vagaries; could not go along with him in his mental terrors. Mr. Crittenden did not think the language of the resolutions decorous. The sovereign States are the sovereign elements of this Union. He thought a State had a right to petition. In 1838 the General Assembly of Connecticut instructed their representatives, Mr. Miles and Mr. Smith, to vote against the sub-treasury bill. These representatives denounced the proceedings of their legislature as dishonorable. Mr. Critten den declared that he did not profess to be under the obligation of unlimited and passive obedience; but he protested against that sort of language held by the senator against his State; he was sorry to see the spirit with which gentlemen submitted to their political retirement. In fact, he thought they had gone beyond their depths in a sea of glory. When they had conned their lesson in the school of adversity, they might, perhaps, be brought to their senses, and be made useful members of society in their proper places. In 1838 Mr. Crittenden introduced a bill to prevent the interference of Federal officers in elections. Some time after he expressed a hope that an early period might be allowed him for its discussion. He desired to bring to the notice of the Senate the sophistries by which this greatest vice in our system was defended. There was a great outcry against this bill of Mr. Crittenden. It was called the gag-law. In 1840 a great Southwestern convention was held in Nashville, which Mr. Crittenden attended, and at which he made a speech, which was said to be one of his most masterly efforts. The legislature of Tennessee instructed her representatives to vote against this bill; and Hugh Dawson White, senator from Tennessee, felt that he could not conscientiously obey these instructions, and resigned. The allusion which Mr. C. made in his speech at the convention to that scene in the Senate, and Mr. White's death, which soon followed, is most touching. (J. J. Crittenden to his wife Maria K. Crittenden.) SENATE, February 28, 1839. MY DEAREST WIFE,-On Sunday next, three days from this time, I shall leave here on my return to you. Sunday week at furthest, I hope to be with you. I count the days now with as much impatience as I did months at the beginning of the session. My heart almost leaps forward to meet and embrace you. My highest wish is to find you full of health and happiness, and arrayed in all those smiles which you know I have so long admired. I was engaged almost all day long yesterday in the Senate, and I feel a little worsted by it to-day. Judge Underwood was married last night to Miss Cox, of Georgetown. The Kentucky delegation were at the wedding. Farewell, my dearest wife; kiss our children for me. Mrs. MARIA K. CRITTENDEN, J. J. CRITTENDEN. (J. J. Crittenden to A. T. Burnley.) April 22, 1839. DEAR BURNLEY,-I inclose you letters to Webster and Sargeant. With your skill and address, I think you may engage those gentlemen in your cause. There is something stirring to generous minds in the idea of patronizing and aiding young nations, and of having these things remembered. Your gentle suggestion of the grateful sentiments with which Texas would remember such assistance would not be without some effect. But it is not for me to make such suggestions to an old diplo matist. I shall not see you again, I suppose, till your return from Europe. Farewell, then, and "may all good fortune attend you” by sea and land, and bring you back to your home and friends, speedily, in health, and crowned with success and wealth. Your friend, To A. T. BURNLEY. J. J. CRITTENDEN. (Daniel Webster to J. J. Crittenden.) LONDON, July 31, 1839. MY DEAR SIR,-I received yesterday your letter by Mr. Burnley, whom I was glad to see, and to whom it will give me pleasure to render any service in my power. When I parted with you, I hardly supposed I should ever write to you from London. We have been here now nearly two months, andhave been occupied with seeing and hearing. Political excitement, and the state of parties here, made it rather an interesting period. I have attended the debates a good deal, especially on important occasions. Some of their ablest men are far from being fluent speakers. In fact, they hold in no high repute the mere faculty of ready speaking, at least not so high as it is held in other places. They are universally men of business; they have not six-and-twenty other legislative bodies to take part of the law-making of the country off their hands; and where there is so much to be done, it is indispensable that less should be said. Their debates, therefore, are often little more than conversations across the table, and they usually abide by the good rule of carrying the measure under consideration one step, whenever it is taken up, without adjourning the debate. This rule, of course, gives way on questions of great interest. I see no prospect of any immediate change of administration. The minority acknowledges itself to be weak in the number of its supporters in Parliament; but their opponents, if they should come into power, would hardly be stronger, without a dissolution and a new election. It is thought that, upon the whole, the conservative interest is gaining ground in the country, especially in England. Still, the leaders of the party feel very little inclined, I think, to be eager for the possession of power. Office here is now no sinecure. Business matters have been in a bad state, and money remains quite scarce; but cotton has risen a little, and some think the worst is over. I expect to hear bad news from the United States. I fear greatly for many of the banks. Nothing can be done with the securities of our States, nor can anything be done with them on the Continent, though money is plenty in France and Holland. My dear friend, I fear it will be very many years before American credit shall be restored to the state it was in at the time the late administration began its experiments on the country. My wife and daughter are, of course, much pleased with what is to be seen in London, and Julia was greatly grieved to hear that Cornelia was so near coming the voyage hither and afterwards gave it up. The weather is hot; if no change shall come soon, the wheat crop will be in danger. I am, dear sir, with true regard, Your friend and obedient servant, Mr. CRITTENDEN. DANIEL WEBSTER. (General W. H. Harrison to J. J. Crittenden.) NORTH BEND, November 7, 1839. MY DEAR SIR,-My intimate friend (for forty-four years) Judge Burnet, of Cincinnati, was appointed with Judge Pease by our State Convention as delegates (at large) last winter. Pease died some weeks ago. I saw Burnet yesterday; he is in good health, and is preparing to attend at Harrisburg on the 4th proximo. The delegate from this district will be chosen on the day after to-morrow. None but an intimate and zealous friend of mine will receive the appointment. Several are mentioned, but I think Colonel N. G. Pendleton will be chosen. Both B. and P. have seen your letter of the 25th, from Philadelphia, as have two other friends who have been spoken of as the district delegate. Burnet (and whichever of my other friends may go with him) will endeavor to see you and consult with you as they go to Harrisburg. They will explain to you my objections to the use you suggest of certain letters in my possession. The policy pointed out by the present state of the contest appears to me to be that of conciliation; for I think that the friends of Clay, in the Convention, will be convinced that he cannot obtain the votes of either Illinois, Indiana, or Ohio, and that I can get them all. There never was a time when I could not beat V. B. in either of the two last, and I assure you that I am (in the latter particularly) daily gaining strength. There are many, very many heretofore warm partisans of the administration who have declared their determination to vote for me if I should be the candidate. Some find an apology in the principle of “rotation in office," and that they cannot see any difference in my pretensions and those of Jackson. Others begin to see something wrong in the conduct of affairs, and are willing to give their votes to another candidate than the incumbent, provided "he has always been on the side of the people." This they believe of me, but obstinately persist in refusing to accord to Mr. Clay in despite of facts the most undeniable. Some of my friends are desirous that I should place, in some shape or other, with a view to its being laid before the people, my views of the "present desperate state of the country, and my opinions as to the necessity of a thorough reform." But I do not agree with them as to the necessity or even the propriety of such a course. It appears to me that no one should be supported for the Presidency of the United States who cannot give a better guarantee for the correctness and fidelity of his conduct than that of opinions given and pledges made during the pendency of the contest which was to decide on his pretensions. How many instances can be adduced of the fulfillment of engagements made under such circumstances when there was strong temptation to violate them! What, then, it may be asked, is the security of a free people in conferring power upon those who are to administer their affairs? I answer that an effectual remedy is only to be found by limiting the powers granted to a measure which shall be only equal to the proper discharge of the duties required to be performed, and even those for as short a period as possible. I am satisfied that this general principle does not meet the exigency now to be provided for, because the powers annexed to |