North Carolina, and District of Columbia, praying Congress to take such measures as wisdom and patriotism may direct to restore peace. I present this petition to the serious consideration of the Senate. I think it is entitled to it not only from the character of the petitioners but from the critical condition of the country. I hope this petition will be respectfully and gravely regarded by the Senate of the United States. It would not be the first instance in history where the interposition of women had prevented the horrors of war. We learn in Roman history that when the Sabines and Romans were engaged in battle, the Sabine women rushed between the contending hosts. Their arms fell powerless, and peace was restored. We cannot hope for such effects; but I do hope that their interposition may have some influence upon the sterner nature of man, and incline us to a humane and patriotic consideration of this great subject. I know the precious value of every moment of the time of the Senate, and I forbear to make any observations.

CHAPTER XIV.

1861.

Leonard Myers to J. J. Crittenden-Harry Conrad-G. K. Shirley-George S. Bryan-Thomas H. Clay-Robert Anderson-In Senate, January 16, 1861, Slavery Question, Amendment to the Constitution-Letter from Horatio Seymour-In Senate, January 18, 1861, Constitutional Conventions-In Senate, January 21, 1861, Slavery Question—In Senate, January 23, 1861, Postponing Joint Resolutions-Beauchamp and Townsend-In Senate, February 9, 1861, Proceedings of Meetings and Conventions, etc.—In Senate, February 12, 1861, State of the Union-Letter from A. T. Burnley.

(Leonard Myers to J. J. Crittenden.)

PHILADELPHIA, January 4, 1861.

lutions, offered in the Senate of the United States, that a provision be made by law for obtaining the sense of the people on your resolutions. I trust you will pardon me for suggesting that the judgment of the people under your resolutions, and their heartfelt feelings and fraternal love towards our Southern brethren, in fact, towards all our brethren, may be obtained by having your resolutions printed upon good paper (petition form) and sent broadcast over our beloved country, submitted to the people in every State, city, town, and borough for their signature; and thus would our people give an honest and patriotic expression of approval apart from the corrupting influence of mere political leaders. The time has arrived, dear sir, now that many of our political leaders seem to have lost the patriotism of statesmen, that an immediate and simultaneous appeal be made at once to the whole people. If Congress delays action upon your resolutions, then proceed by the way which the loftiest patriotism suggests,—private action. Apply to all true patriots of our beloved country, and let the expense be borne by them. I will give my mite cheerfully. I would that the hearts of our people, of every sex, age, and condition of life,—the national heart,-be fully allowed utterance, and avow their fraternal love to each other, and their unalterable devotion to their country, its Constitutions, and laws,-their firm resolve to accord to all their brethren their rights for the future, and their earnest desire for the restoration of peace. Oh, yes, summon to your aid all

patriots to the standard of our country,—from the North, the South, the East, the West,-meeting them in council, and, animated by fraternal love and devotion towards each other, and lovingly forgetful of the past and of the present, resolve to redress all grievances, real and imaginary, that any portion of our people have a right to claim. That Almighty God may aid and inspire you, that you may continue to discharge your high duties in this dark hour of your country's trial, and that your noble efforts in her behalf may be crowned with success, is my sincere prayer. I have the honor to be, dear sir, Your servant,

LEONARD MYERS.

(Harry Conrad to J. J. Crittenden.)

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN.

PHILADELPHIA, January 5, 1861.

DEAR SIR,-The resolutions offered by you will be indorsed by the people of Pennsylvania by two hundred thousand majority, if we can get a vote; on this you may rely. As I am unknown to you, you can, by inquiring of either of the representatives from this city, ascertain that I am not the person to make such an assertion without due consideration.

God grant that your noble and patriotic efforts to bring peace to our beloved country may be successful. It will be the noble crowning of a noble career.

I am, with great respect,

HARRY CONRAD.

(George K. Shirley to J. J. Crittenden.)

January 17, 1861.

DEAR SIR,-Persevere in your noble efforts to save the "old ship of state." You have the eternal gratitude of thousands of thousands of young Democrats north of "Mason and Dixon," who will fight for your compromise to the death.

J. J. CRITTENDEN.

Sincerely yours,

GEORGE K. SHIRLEY.

(George S. Bryan to J. J. Crittenden.)

CHARLESTON, January 6, 1861. MY DEAR SIR,-I write you a very brief line, to beg you to exert any influence you have—and it must be great-to prevent any vessel from being sent into our harbor. The peace of the country depends upon it; and, what is even of more consequence, priceless as peace is, all chance for the Union. Our people will not bear a menace, and if a vessel is sent to reinforce Fort Sumter, they will strike, in my opinion, if it cost a thousand

lives. Receive this from one infinitely indebted to you for your boundless efforts to keep the peace and preserve the Union, and believe him to be ever faithfully in the bonds of the Union, Your friend and fellow-countryman,

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN, U. S. Sen.

GEORGE S. BRYAN.

On the 3d of January, 1861, Mr. Crittenden offered a resolution to the Senate and House of Representatives, that provision be made by law, without delay, for taking the sense of the people and submitting to their vote the resolutions he had offered on the 18th of December, 1860, as the basis for the final settlement of the disputes at that time disturbing the country and threatening its existence. He said, in a speech made on the 1st of January, that he had no hope that the amendments he had proposed to the Constitution could obtain a majority which would recommend them to the States for their adoption by convention or legislature; he therefore made this motion for a reference to the people. Extraordinary circumstances had induced him to attempt so extraordinary a resort. Amendments could not be recommended except by a two-thirds majority, and that he could not hope for. He now wished to invoke the judgment of the people upon that great question, on which their government depended. He considered the people the great source of all political authority. "The government was theirs, the Union was theirs, we their representatives. This mode was not forbidden by the Constitution. Some gentlemen are averse to compromise. Well, these amendments might be called a compromise." He thought they might, with equal propriety, be called an honest adjustment of rights. "All human life is but a compromise; from the cradle to the compromise between man and society. promise of a lawsuit, a man purchased his peace, and certainly there was nothing dearer. If there were no compromises, all important questions would be settled by force or war. Could the present majority plead a conscientious scruple as an apology for usurping all the territory of the country,-monopolizing all the common property? If men can make titles to common property in this way, this anti-slave dogma is a great nursery for conscientious scruples."

grave every step is a In respect to the com

(Thomas H. Clay to J. J. Crittenden.)

MANSFIELD, NEAR LEXINGTON,

January 9, 1861. MY DEAR SIR,-As it is possible that some terms of compromise either your own, which, as far as I can learn, meets with the approval of a large majority of the conservatives of the country, or some other-may be adopted before the meeting of our legislature on the 17th inst., I have forborne to write to you, hoping and trusting that a majority of our legislature will be found, at this crisis, Union-loving, and resolved to stand by the "Stars and Stripes" to the last. But I do not know what appliances may be resorted to.

Our governor, in a recent letter to the Alabama commissioner, avows himself favorable to a Southern convention. I cannot go for this, viewing it as sectional.

There is also much mooted a call for a convention of the people of Kentucky. Under the present excited state of the public mind, I do not view this as either wise or proper.

I should be pleased to hear your opinion on these two points, viz., a Southern convention and a State convention.

For God's sake, and for the sake of humanity, persevere in the noble efforts at conciliation.

Can it be possible that this Union is to be destroyed by demagogues and political empirics? Forbid it every consideration of patriotism and humanity.

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN.

Yours sincerely,

THOMAS H. CLAY.

P.S.—I am afraid that our friend, Governor Letcher, is near the time of his departure from among us, as I have received on yesterday a letter to that effect.

(Robert Anderson to J. J. Crittenden.)

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN, U. S. Senator.

T. H. C.

FORT SUMTER, S. C.,
January 12, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR,-My friend, Robert Gourdin, Esq., of Charleston, South Carolina, will, I hope, start as soon as practicable to Washington on a mission of peace. God grant that the shedding of blood may be avoided. I am doing, and shall continue to do, all that honor will permit to keep the peace here.

I need not appeal to you to exert your influence towards the same result, as I know that no one would be firmer or more resolute in maintaining peaceful relations with our sister States than yourself.

My brother will see you with Mr. Gourdin; and it will give