easy to say, "If you grant the request here, you may set aside all your laws upon the subject." There is no soundness in the argument. Now, sir, here is an old man. I know him. An honest, worthy, plain, old farmer, whose experience in the world has been pretty much limited to his few acres of ground and their cultivation. A son of his is unfortunately betrayed into a crime. The father, swayed by natural affection, governing above and beyond all reason, becomes his son's bail. The son absconds. My friend says, "Let the penalty of the government be exacted." If you exact it, as the petition shows, besides the mortification that has visited the honest household of the old man for the crime of the son, his wife, and other children are turned outof-doors, and he is reduced to poverty. Sir, what father, under the circumstances, could do otherwise? Nature herself betrays him into it. The criminality of the son renders the penalty doubly severe. Will you not rather suffer this petty offense to go unpunished, so far as regards this honest old man, than that he should be entirely and utterly ruined? This is the question. Let the Senate decide.

Mr. Clark. Will the honorable senator from Kentucky allow me to ask whether the court had any power over this bailbond to relieve it?

Mr. Crittenden.-No, sir. The court had no power, and the President had no power. I was privy to the old man's journey all the way to this city. He came, during this inclement winter, from the uttermost part of Kentucky to apply to the President of the United States for mercy, he made his appeal to him. I can tell the gentleman the court had no power; and the President declined to interfere because he was informed by the Attorney-General that he had no power in the case. For these reasons the subject is brought before you. Let the Senate decide.

(In Senate, February 9th, 1861. Proceedings of Meetings, Conventions, etc.) Mr. Crittenden-Mr. President, I desire, as the question has been for some time pending before the Senate upon the petition I presented, that it may be allowed now to supersede the present question and be decided. I am clearly of the opinion that wherever such papers are directly or indirectly, by plain intention if not by word, intended to be addressed to the Senate, they come within that provision of the Constitution which allows petitions, and which declares that no law shall be passed to abridge the right of petition. This is a plain highway, not to be contracted by hedges and fences or technical forms. Sir, the people may come in any form they choose; they are not very stylish people. Many of our constituents are not versed in

the ceremonies and forms and etiquettes by which great bodies are to be approached; but they have a right to express their free will on these subjects in whatever language they may choose. I am glad that the yeas and nays are called for. It is a question of general importance; I can scarcely imagine a more important one. When their government is tottering to its fall, when not only government but society is in danger of subversion, when peace is not only in danger but war stands frowning and confronting us, shall the people be restrained as to any form in which they may express themselves, begging to be rescued from these imminent perils? No, sir; the people are using their privilege-most patriotically are they using it. Morning after morning is consumed in the presentation of their petitions. They have a deep interest in this subject; they feel its importance, and they have a right to make their thoughts and feelings known without trammel or restraint. I vote for receiving their resolutions.

(In Senate, February 12th, 1861. State of the Union.)

Mr. Crittenden, on the 12th of February, 1861, asked leave to present a petition from the people of Massachusetts, praying the Senate and House of Representatives to make a settlement upon the basis of the Crittenden resolutions. He said he was cheered by such a voice coming from Massachusetts in favor of the Union; they had had more than fourteen thousand petitioners from the city of Boston.

Mr. Sumner rose and moved that the petition be printed; said that he understood that the petitioners asked the adoption of what was familiarly known as the Crittenden propositions, and that their best apology for this petition was their ignorance of the character of the propositions.

Mr. Crittenden said in reply that it would be a little ungracious in him to step between the honorable senator and his constituents who had sent the petition. He was surprised to hear the senator, who was, no doubt, well acquainted with his constituents, charge them with ignorance. It was claimed that Massachusetts took a parental care of her people, and that they were more enlightened than the population of any other State. Mr. Crittenden thought that every senator was bound to contribute as far as he could to the settlement of our great national troubles, and if the propositions he had offered were not adequate, why had the honorable senator sat there from month to month and proposed no amendment to propositions which he condemned his constituents for approving? Why did he sit silent and sullen here for a month or more with a breast full of resentment? [Applause in the galleries.] The senator says

we want a guarantee for slavery." Sir, the gentleman only half speaks the truth; he states this as though we had risen up here in time of peace to ask an alteration of the Constitution for the purpose of extending slavery. This is not the case.

Mr. Crittenden then turned to the Republican senators: Your platform, gentlemen, is a little thing of but a hand's breadth, manufactured by a few politicians. You are governing a great nation. Are you to look to the platform or to the nation? You are pledged to preserve the Union of this country. Devotion to the Union was assumed by you as the peculiar duty of your party. That is forgotten. When you cannot preserve every little peculiarity of doctrine (not belonging to the Constitution) which you entertain, you let the Union go. You call this a compromise, and then make war upon the word you use. I am an advocate of the Union. I do not hate the North. I love the South. Why is it that gentlemen are impatient when anything is said with regard to the preservation of the Union? We know that resolution has already dismembered the land.

Mr. Sumner rose and said he wished to make two remarks in reply to Mr. C.: The Senator from Kentucky is not aware of his own popularity in Massachusetts-of the extent to which his name is authority there, and of the willingness of the people to adopt anything that bears his name; he is not aware how easily the people of Massachusetts may be seduced to adopt any proposition of his. If they examined the proposition, they would reject it. Another point: If I understand the senator, he inti mated that his propositions, at least in his own mind, were not applicable to territory hereafter acquired.

Mr. Crittenden.-No; I do not mean to be understood as saying that I said that proposition was not an essential part of mine. If I found it unacceptable, I would not insist upon it; it should not be an obstacle to adjustment. I would strike it out if necessary. I did, upon the motion of my colleague, vote for his amendment, and would be content with it, but subsequent reflections and the objections made to it have satisfied me that I ought not to adhere to it if it would become an obstacle and prevent the passage of the resolutions.

(A. T. Burnley to J. J. Crittenden.)

FRANKFORT, February 12, 1861. MY DEAR MR. CRITTENDEN,-By reference to the proceedings of our legislature, just adjourned, you will see that they have done nothing to compromise the proud position which, much under your advice, Kentucky has assumed in the present perilous condition of the country.

Impressed with the importance of the services you have already rendered to the country, and deeply regretting the fact that your official connection with the federal government is so soon to terminate, a general and a strong desire that your services may still be secured to save the imperiled Union, led to the introduction of a resolution in the Senate, requesting you to remain in Washington, or to visit other States, where you think you can be of any service to the great cause, as long as you may think you can do any good. These resolutions passed the Senate by a majority of twenty-eight to six, but unfortunately reached the House on the last day of the session, when it required a majority of two-thirds to suspend the rules and take them up. Consequently, a few malcontents, and a few others who would not have dared, upon a direct vote on the resolutions, to vote against them, voted against suspending the rules, and thus prevented a vote upon the resolutions. In that vote there was a majority of six in favor of the suspension; and thus you are virtually, though not officially, requested to remain, and do what you can for the country as long as you think you can do any good. My opinion is that, under the circumstances, you ought to consider yourself virtually requested by the legislature to remain in the service of the State to the last minute you think you can do any good; and such is the opinion of all your friends with whom I have conversed. I wish, therefore, that you will reply to this letter (or perhaps it would be better to address it to a more known and prominent man than myself), stating your observance of what the legislature has done, and your determination, regardless of your own convenience, to stand by the country and struggle for its integrity and unity as long as there is the least hope for its preservation, with authority to publish your letter. Since the death of our old friends, Carneal and Letcher, I never wanted to see you at home as much in my life; but I am willing never to see you in this world again if you can save the Union, which I sincerely believe you have more power to do than any hundred in the United States. My kindest regards to Mrs. Crittenden, and I beg you to believe me always

To J. J. CRITTENDEN.

Your devoted friend,

A. T. BURNLEY.

CHAPTER XV.

1861.

Invitation from the Board of Aldermen of Boston to visit that City-Thanks of the People of Virginia for his efforts to bring about an Honorable Peace-Invitation to Philadelphia, and Approval of the Compromise Measures proposed by Mr. Crittenden-House Resolutions, March 2, State of the Union - House Resolutions, Credentials of J. C. Breckenridge-Joint Resolution, Mr. Crittenden's Last Speech, and Farewell to the Senate.

MY

(George T. Curtis to J. J. Crittenden.)

BOSTON, February 12, 1861.

Y DEAR SIR,-The Board of Aldermen of this city unanimously adopted a resolution, yesterday, inviting you to visit Boston, after the adjournment of Congress, as the guest of the city. It will pass the Common Council on Thursday evening, and the mayor will communicate it to you immediately. I hope you will accept the invitation, and give our people an opportunity to thank you for your public services. We shall do this thing handsomely, if you will let us. Don't refuse.

Your visit will do good here and elsewhere.

With kindest regards to Mrs. Crittenden, always faithfully your friend,

Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN.

GEORGE T. CURTIS.

(In Convention, March 11th, 1861.)

Resolved, That the thanks of the people of Virginia be, and they are hereby, most cordially tendered to the Hon. J. J. Crittenden, for his recent able, zealous, and patriotic efforts in the Senate of the United States to bring about an honorable adjustment of our national difficulties.

A true copy.

JNO. L. EUBANK, Secretary.

(Josiah Randall and others to J. J. Crittenden.)

PHILADELPHIA, January 12, 1861.

DEAR SIR,-A mass-meeting of the Democratic citizens of Philadelphia has been called for Wednesday evening next, the