1852. The expected Reform Bill. 213 peasant who acted as spokesman of the party, concluded with the remark And now, Sir, it is not that we care for your 'preaching, but it is just our right, and we will have it.' Old Thomas is a good representative of the feeling of his countrymen in reference to the Survey. Many of them do care for the map, others of them may not care for it, but all Scotsmen feel that what England has got, and Ireland has got, is Scotland's right and their right, and THEY WILL HAVE IT. ART. VIII.* — 1. Electoral Districts. By ALEXANDER MACKAY, Esq. London: 1848. 2. National Reform Association Tracts. London: 1851. As the season advances, the new measure of Parliamentary Reform, which Lord John Russell announced for the beginning of the Session, begins to excite public attention. Conjectures as to what it will be, suggestions as to what it ought to be, have appeared in several journals, and been made at a few public meetings. While some have ventured to prophesy its chief features, and others have gone so far as to dictate its minute details, we shall content ourselves with a humbler function; and, assuming neither the right to prescribe, nor the power to foresee, shall simply attempt to clear the way for a fair and dispassionate consideration of the measure when it shall be propounded, by fixing the mind of the nation on the most prominent and turning points,-for instance, on the meaning of the British Constitution, the object it has in view, the modifications already introduced in furtherance of that object, and the residue which yet remains to be accomplished. The effect of past alterations may guide us in our opinion of the necessity, and in our choice of the direction, of those now demanded or proposed; and the experience of our predecessors and our neighbours may be brought in aid of our own wisdom. From a consideration of these things we shall endeavour to infer what it would be wise to desire and reasonable to expect; - starting from a serious conviction that the subject is by no means as easy, the treatment of it as simple, or the decision regarding it as obvious and indisputable, as many of our fellow-reformers delight to represent it. The Reform Act of 1832, as every year will render more and more perceptible, effected a vast and radical alteration in the action, though not in the theory, of our Constitution, and entailed changes of corresponding magnitude in the conduct of * It is proper to state that this Article has no official character. public affairs, and in the relations of the various elements of our complicated polity. These changes may be regarded as operating in a threefold direction: In the relation of Parliament to the Country and to Legislation. In the reciprocal relations of Ministers and Parliament. In the functions and qualifications of Ministers. The immediate and most obvious effect of the Reform Bill was, for the first time, fully and fairly to bring to bear upon Parliament the feelings and opinions-the prejudices and passions the well or ill-understood interests of the country. The House of Commons became the bonâ fide representative," not indeed of the people, as that word is commonly and inaccurately used, but of that influential and educated portion of the numbers of the community which more properly deserve that name. It became, imperfectly it is true, but to a far greater extent than it had ever been before, not indeed the echo of the popular voice, but an instrument largely played upon by that voice wherever distinctly expressed. It was, indeed, not yet the nominee of the masses, but it ceased to be the nominee of the Whig or Tory aristocracy, and became the nominee of that combination of the upper and middle classes of which the constituencies are composed. Since the Reform Bill, the Parliament has never turned a deaf ear to the demands of public opinion: it may have been sometimes in doubt as to the extent or unanimity of that opinion; it may have been perplexed as to its precise meaning and demands; but it has never been chargeable either with careless inattention or sullen and dogged resistance. Some measure of the influence in this respect which has been exercised by the Reform Bill may be gathered by remembering that, while during the forty-six years which elapsed between the downfall of the Coalition Ministry in 1784 and the formation of Lord Grey's administration in 1830, the Whigs came into power only once, and then held office only for a single year, of the twenty years which passed since, they have held office for sixteen. In addition to this, all parties have, as it were, been pushed on many steps in advance of their previous position. The Whigs have become more Radical, and the Tories more Whiggish than they were. Indeed, it would be more correct to say that the old boundary lines between the various sections of politicians have been swept away, and that they differ no longer in kind, but only in degree; they are describable not as the opponents, or the advocates of progress, as distinguished only by the rate of their progression, and the limits at which they respectively propose to stop. but 1852. Change wrought by the first Reform Bill. 215 But a still greater and more significant change has to be noticed. As Parliament became more and more influenced by public opinion, and more sensitively and promptly responsive to popular sentiment; as the Country became more conscious of its power, and more cognisant of its direct action on the proceedings of the Legislature, it was natural that its interest in those proceedings should increase. So long as its operation on the decision of great political questions was dubious, languid, and remote; so long as it felt that these matters were settled by a body, in the selection and control of which its voice was little more than nominal; there was comparatively small inducement, on the part of men unconnected with public life, to acquire information, or form opinions, or propagate discussion, on such matters. So long as the question put before them at élections was, not - What is your opinion upon this important 'measure?'— but, Will you vote for the nominee of this or 'that great aristocratic party?' they naturally concerned themselves far more with men than with measures, and were likely to be influenced rather by considerations of personal interest or affection than of the public welfare. But in proportion as their power of influencing parliamentary decisions increased, their interest in these was enhanced, and the duty of qualifying themselves to form a sound judgment upon them became more obvious and pressing. Hence all Englishmen were on a sudden more completely and habitually transformed into politicians than at any period previous to 1832; the middle ranks, because the real power of ultimate decision was placed in their hands, the lower orders, because they perceived how closely their interests were affected by decisions over which they desired to have their share of control, and the control of which seemed to be now brought more visibly within their reach. Before the Reform Bill, Parliament was the arena where, by the theory of the Constitution, and with nominally closed doors, the affairs of the nation were discussed and settled; it was the body to which the people delegated the task of thinking and acting for them in all political concerns;-having chosen their representatives, or ratified the choice of others, their political duty was at an end, their influence and interest in the matter ceased; or if any eccentric individual still had a fancy to watch and criticise the conduct of parliament or particular members, and pronounce judgment on specific operations, he did so as a work of amusement and supererogation. Within the walls of St. Stephen's the élite (by assumption and courtesy) of the nation-men trained to the task by study and experience - nightly investigated and discussed those knotty and perplexing topics, and weighed those stupendous imperial interests, which mere common minds were not qualified to comprehend; and by means of this division and delegation of labour, the mass of the community were enabled to go about their own private concerns with security and undivided attention, leaving public affairs to their specially appointed guardians. But now all this is changed. The alteration, which had begun before the Reform Bill, was hastened and consummated by the agitation and discussion attendant on that great national struggle, and has been becoming yearly stronger and more marked ever since. Parliament is no longer the only, nor the chief arena for political debate. Public meetings and the Press are fast encroaching upon and superseding its originally exclusive functions. Every man has become a politician; and exercises his judgment far less upon the qualifications of the individual Member whom he sends to the House of Commons to represent him, than upon the principle, bearing, and detail of the specific measures laid before that House. Nay, the change goes further even than this. The Country often takes precedence of the Legislature, both in the discussion and decision of public affairs. Public opinion is formed out of doors; and is only revised, ratified, and embodied within. Active and able individuals-sometimes men of business, sometimes philanthropists, sometimes theoretical economists-study some especial branch of political philosophy or social well-being, form their opinion upon it, arrange their arguments, collect their facts, promulgate their views, inform the public, agitate the country, excite, and at length get possession of, the Press; and, when by these means. the community at large has become sufficiently inoculated with their doctrine, they bring it before Parliament in the form of a specific proposition;-and Parliament examines, discusses, perhaps modifies, and retards; but never finally rejects, unless the popular feeling which has urged the measure so far forward should prove to be only a partial or transient phase of public opinion. The functions of Parliament are no longer initiatory; or in a far less degree than formerly. It has become too busy, too confused, too unphilosophical for that. The independent thinker originates; the Country listens, disputes, sifts, ripens; the Parliament revises and enacts. Like its synonyme, the old Parliament of Paris, it has become a body in which lits-de-justice are perpetually held, to register the decrees, not of the sovereign prince, but of the sovereign people. Whether it is desirable that this should be so, may admit of doubt: -the fact that it is so, admits of none. A considerable change has also been wrought by the Reform 1852. Change wrought by the first Reform Bill. 217 Act in the character and general aspect of Parliament, in consequence of the different class of men who are sent up, and the more efficient and vigilant control exercised over them by their several constituencies. It is very questionable whether the House of Commons comprises a greater amount than formerly of commanding genius or eminent wisdom. It may even be doubted whether the natural and necessary tendency of that. measure, as of every measure which popularises the Legislature, has not been to exclude one order of superior minds, and that the highest order. There is a class of men of refined tastes, of philosophic temper, of profound thought, of wide and comprehensive views; who, being capable of seeing all sides of a question, can adopt no side with that passionate and exclusive zeal which is demanded by its fanatical supporters; who, penetrating too deeply the weaknesses, the selfishness, the blunders of every party, can attach themselves devotedly to none; who, foreseeing more clearly and profoundly than their fellows the full and remote effects of every promising enactment on which the popular fancy may successively fix its affections, estimates each more justly, and by consequence, more moderately; who know too well how surely excessive expectations lead to disappointment. and reaction, to be able often to share the general enthusiasm who, gifted with too keen and subtle a discernment of the soul of goodness in things evil,' are regarded by the multitude as paradoxical, fantastic, and impracticable; who cannot soil their lips by repeating the hollow or dishonest watchwords of the hour, nor stain their conscience by bearing a part in the violence and injustice which often mark periods of national excitement, nor bow their haughty honour to follow even their own banner through miry ways or to a tarnished victory. These are precisely the men a large infusion of whom in any legislative assembly is imperatively needed to elevate its character, to dignify its tone, to moderate its excesses, to counteract the tendencies, and control the impulses to which all such assemblies are naturally prone. Yet they are precisely the men whem popular constituencies can least appreciate, and by whom the sacrifices and concessions needed to please popular constituencies can least be endured. 6 ; Of this order of men, therefore, there would necessarily be fewer in a Reformed Parliament than under the old régime. It is probable, also, that there are fewer men of surpassing powers of any kind. But at the same time there is at least as great an aggregate and as high an average of talent. The level may not be higher, but there are many more who come up to it. There are more men of business, more men of competent capacity to |