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tection or, better-than-to-be-expected, from one of specific human happiness. On the whole, however, I can wish it much more power

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But it now becomes my painful duty to manifest to the admiring and all-confident friends of Public Opinion some limitations of the ablest possible future performances of their champion. If it should ever prove a fairly efficient moral police force in preventing outright attacks on human happiness, it will never, so far as I can see, get past this negative achievement, get to the promotion of positive happiness. It may some time be itself benevolent enough representative, that is, of enough real beneficence to feel like coaxing people into active goodness, but that will be its very best ability. It can never successfully command kindliness as a social duty, even if that ever throve under compulsion. Cold charity it may indeed command as social protection, and get what it can through increased taxation; but nothing more. A certain amount of coaxing it may do, with its sweet promises of reward - when it has itself set the example; but when, I wonder, will that be? Just now it has its hands, or rather its mouth full trying to keep trusts and politicians out of its pockets, and is likely to be so engaged some length of time.

Another cruel fact, quite necessary, however, for the all-confident friends to face: that the power of Public Opinion is not keeping pace with

the growth of its wisdom (mostly newspaper-cultivated); but has been for years on the decline, and is now only the shadow of its ancient self. Once there was a Public Opinion that was really the voice of the people, nearly unanimous on all matters of importance, and able to club, banish, burn, or otherwise annoy the contrary-minded. Now there is, properly speaking, no public opinion, no unanimous sentiment at all, but only a number of often differing opinions professed by separate sections of the public. The opinion called "public" by the newspapers is only the largest of these which has the happiness of finding newspaper expression; and there are plenty of others less intelligent and decent which offer a kind patronage and a comfortable refuge. Society has, in fact, long ceased to be unanimous on even the elements of morality. If the Hon. Thomas Picker, political or common thief, chances to incur the harsh censure of our public, he is none the less acquitted by his public of any fault save that of carelessness, which is one in that it narrows opportunity. Or if John B. Heartbreaker, who has crushed all rivals and squeezed the general public, thereby incur our "unfavorable comment," his special public notices only application of biological law to business; and when he has washed his hands and put them promisingly into his pockets, what Temple or University can have the heart to blame him? Since Public Opinion, so called, has lost the power of speedy punishment, being stopped by

legal opinion and civil power, its reputation has sadly dwindled, peaked, and pined. The safe offender against it can find ample praise or solace in the opinion of his coterie or club or gang; and if the near faces are friendly, why fear a distant frown?

So, too, is it now with the upper private, or Celestial Opinion: that also has lost its power with its penalties. Time was when mankind found both Heaven and Hell believable, and many, scurrying from the fire's clutch, got headed on the heavenward ascent. But now most of mankind, having trampled out the nether flames or quite easily extinguished them with a few slight squirts of ethical theology, have no upward impetus. The House of Many Mansions never was very attractive, save perhaps by contrast with the fiery Prison-house since razed, and cannot now compare with numerous world's sweet inns much nearer by. And the Host as well as the House seems rather misty to most of us: his possible opinion, his face and hand withheld, is a smaller matter than the positive opinions that live in visible faces and act by palpable hands.

No, no, all-confident friends; Public Opinion is nowadays pretty much split up, and of itself well-nigh powerless. Its best hope lies in getting legal opinion and strength of the law behind it and putting some of its ancient vigor into the operation of those. In which undertaking all good-luck to it.

So much, then, for the practical aspect, the outward workings of Public Opinion morality. Too much, perhaps: at any rate not much remains. It is, of course, my wish, through a strange whim of mine, to speak a word of the inner workings or spiritual aspect of the matter, but that can't help being briefly spoken. It is on the whole well, I suppose, since we are social beings, and unavoidable, since we have been so long bred to it, that we should have a "decent regard for the opinion of mankind," especially in our immediate neighborhood. But to live for this, as many do in an unliveried lackeyhood, what is more disgusting? To place one's happiness in other people's mouths, to taste it chiefly upon their report

ing ashen Dead Sea apples, surely. one's wretchedness therein, that

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prandial metaphor is feeding on the husks of which the swine do eat.

And so farewell to all this for a good long while.

7. DEMOCRACY

Such being the present writer's sentiments on the subject of Public Opinion, he can hardly be expected to admire its parent and sponsor, Democracy. But that depends upon the point of view. Democracy as a method of manning the ship of state is easily the best available. Impatient passengers may complain of the vessel's slow and winding progress and of the lagging crew,

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largely given to rifling the freight, and sigh for a good old one-man guidance. But the thoughtful traveler realizes that masterful officers are rare and rather likely, if found, to prove reckless of the surrounding rocks and shoals, and that it is considerably better to have a slow sure lot, who will stick to charts and compass and who may always blessed remembrance! if the passengers will but agree, be put ashore at the next port. No, my fearful fellow passengers, it is not necessary to warn us specially, when an itinerant excaptain takes private passage once more, that our ship must be steered according to principles, not persons. Perhaps the persons are more splendidly attractive; but the principles, being lifeless, are safer, and we know it. We will, since it is necessary, let principles regulate our governmental course, be glad if we can get something fairly good and human to apply them, and having thus safeguarded ourselves, look elsewhere for our joys.

Shall we find these in the social workings of Democracy? Not to the best of my observation and belief. Democracy has now been tried at least in spots, if the petulant orators are allowed their say sufficiently to show its meaning — its achievement and its aims. What, then, is the highest praise that laudatory orators heap upon it? The praise, usually, that it offers perfect freedom of opportunity, that it gives everyone a chance to develop his powers to their fullest, to live his own life as he rightly chooses. Of course

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