as the entire railway receipts of the country, eight times as much as the whole county cess, ten times as great as the amount of poor relief, and twenty times as great as the sum voted by Parliament for primary education in Ireland. Crime had increased in the same proportion. He recommended the retention of high duties on spirituous liquors, the closing of public-houses on Sundays, and a power to ratepayers to veto licenses.

Dr. C. E. B. MONCK read a paper showing the evil influence of Intemperance on Life, Health, and Sanity, in which he stated that 15 per cent. of the insanity of England was produced directly by intemperance.

Mr. JAMES HAUGHTON, in anotner paper, urged the Association to support the Permissive Bill proposed by the United Kingdom Alliance.

Mr. JOHN PYPER also advocated the Permissive Bill in a paper แ "On the Public Sale of Alcoholic Liquors." That measure was based on a principle which effectually met all the objections urged against the total and immediate suppression of the traffic throughout the country. The Permissive Bill simply proposed to remove the temptations of public drinking shops from any parish, township, or given district where two-thirds or more of the ratepayers might desire it. It would in no way interfere with the administration of our licensing laws wherever public-houses were wanted, nor would it frustrate any modifications of those laws that from time to time might be deemed expedient. The present law for the regulation of the liquor traffic was based on the avowed principle of granting licences for the public accommodation only, and the ratepayers residing in any locality were, as a rule, much better judges of the wants of their neighbourhood in this matter than magistrates or recorders, who frequently knew little or nothing about the actual condition of the localities in which they were called upon to grant licences. The notion entertained by some that the Permissive Bill would interfere with civil rights was without foundation. There was not, and never could be, free trade in intoxicants, and therefore there was no civil right involved in the question.

The Rev. JAMES A. JOHNSTON read a paper on the Closing of Public-houses in Scotland, in which the advantages of the Forbes Mackenzie Act were pointed out.

TRADES' UNIONS AND STRIKES.

Mr. P. H. RATHBONE read a paper on "The Moral of the Sheffield Trade Outrages," in which he pointed out the injustice of lumping all trades' unious together and concluding that one must be bad

* See Transactions, 1867, p. 563; 1859, pp. 635, 712; 1860, pp. 755, 875 1861, p. 681; 1862, pp. 693, 795; 1865, p. 476; 1866, p. 795.

because another was bad, and the error of supposing that because trades' societies might be tempted to do unjust actions, they must necessarily yield to the temptation. He described the peculiar social conditions of Sheffield which had influenced the character of its unions. He deprecated the attempt of the working men to create a solidarity of interests in the different unions, when in truth they were opposed; especially in reference to the building trades, in regard to which the effect was to condemn the great majority of artisans to live in unhealthy houses. He summed up by saying that the moral to be derived from the Trades' Union Inquiry was that-First, when trade outrages occur in a trade the union should be held responsible as the authorised expression of the public feeling of the trade, and that such outrages would not occur if the public feeling of a trade were not bad. Secondly, the great object of all should be to clear away all the sentimental cobwebs which obscure the question. Labour does not differ from any other commodity, except that it is perishable, and in that resembles fish or any other perishable commodity. A man, selling his day's work, must get as much for it as he can, just as a fisherman selling his fish, which is his night's work, must get as much as he can. The more fish the fisherman has, the more he will get for them, and the more work the man does per day, the more eventually he will get for it. It may be worth while for a certain body of fishermen to agree to stand out for a certain price, and let the whole take of two or three nights go bad rather than take a lower price; but, as a matter of fact, they do not seem to find that plan answer. Let it be understood that labour is only a commodity; that employer and employed stand in relation to each other merely as buyer and seller of that commodity; and that the laws of political economy, when rightly understood, are as much the laws of Providence as the laws of gravitation; and the good sense of the leaders of our working classes will step in to prevent the danger that now threatens us of sinking in the scale of nations as an industrial people.

Mr. DAVID SMITH (Belfast), in a paper on "Trade Societies," referred to the deplorable consequences of lock-outs and strikes, not only to the persons engaged in them, but to the whole surrounding community. So far as trade societies were benefit societies, no one could find fault with them; but they overstepped their proper functions when they encouraged strikes. The time had arrived when trade societies should be legally incorporated by Act of Parliament, with a proper constitution, under which strikes and lock-outs should be declared illegal, and all disagreements between employers and employed should be referred to arbitration, the decision of the arbitrator being final and binding. A list of intelligent men should be selected from different classes of society, be approved and sanctioned by Government, and be duly published as that of trade arbitrators having a legal standing. If a dispute took place between a legalised trade society of workmen and an employer, or a society of employers, each party should select from

the list an arbitrator, and the mayor or nearest magistrate should select another, making three in all. There ought to be no appeal from the decisions of these arbitrators, and the rate of payment to them, when engaged in settling a dispute, should be fixed by the Act.

Mr. TITO PAGLIARDINI, in a paper, "How to put an end to Strikes?" recommended that there should be established an association of masters, managers, and men (capital, talent, and labour), so that each might participate in a fair degree in the advantages of any work which was the result of their combined concurrence. The operation would not be in any wise complicated. For instance, among the general expenses of the undertaking were to be reckoned-1st, a fixed interest, varying according to circumstances, as the legitimate salary of capital; 2nd, the salaries of managers, clerks, and foremen; and, 3rd, the wages of workpeople, reckoned at so much per hour. The net profits were whatever remained over after these regular expenses were deducted, and might fairly be distributed as bonuses among all those whose combined efforts had created them. The principle was already in operation, and had been very successful, under the title of "Partnerships of Industry."

DISCUSSION.

Mr. NOBLE (London), maintained that it was perfectly legal for any number of men to unite to sell their labour at the best price; and what was illegal in the conduct of trades' unions was that there should be any interference on the part of unions with those workmen who were content to take lower wages. He advocated the teaching of the principles of political economy in all elementary schools. The youth of the country should be taught what wealth, capital, and labour are, and should be indoctrinated in those great principles which regulate the rate of wages. He had not much faith in a Court of Arbitration.

Mr. M'KANE agreed that a knowledge of the laws of political economy should be more freely diffused, and thought that these laws had been misunderstood by Mr. Rathbone. He denied that wages were governed by supply and demand, or that the laws of political economy were as much the laws of Providence as the law of gravitation. Political economy, as he understood it, was merely a science of tendencies; and all that political economy meant by laying down the principle that the rate of wages was regulated by supply and demand was that in the long run there was a tendency in wages to be so regulated.

Mr. MURPHY said he had always defended the action of Parliament in restricting the working hours from twelve to ten, and he thought that now employers were pretty generally of that opinion. So far as trades' unions promoted strikes, their action was generally mischievous, though not necessarily so. He thought that the idea of establishing a Court of Arbitration was a visionary one; for though such a court might have great moral weight, it could have no means of enforcing its decisions.

Mr. FISHER (Waterford), spoke in favour of co-operative societies as being a remedy for disputes between employers and employed.

Mr. SPACKMAN said that the unions, not content with striking against employers, endeavoured to prevent other people working who were willing to do so. Another evil was that the union generally insisted on all workmen being paid the same rate of wages. He knew that many a man was worth double in money value his fellow workman, and yet the trade insisted that all should be paid alike. That was a most serious grievance; certainly men ought to be left to

their own individual action, for the enforced uniformity of wages was a bar to all progress on the part of the men, and took away all stimulus to industry.

Mr. J. H. RAPER (Manchester) was of opinion that the time had come for the Council of the Association to organise a Court of Conciliation of a voluntary kind to which masters and men might appeal in cases of dispute. He did not expect that great benefit would be derived from such a court, but he was of opinion that in certain cases it might have the effect of bringing about a settlement between employers and employed. He alluded to the fact that at the Sheffield Meeting working men subscribed, and had representative members at the Association, and that there were sitting in the Sections taking part in their business at the Sheffield meeting the very men who afterwards obtained a certificate from the Commissioners of Inquiry preventing them from being tried for murder. He contended that it was impossible to prevent combinations of workmen for the purpose of raising wages, pointing out that workmen in so combining were following the example of those in higher classes, who clung tenaciously to power. Mr. Raper concluded by suggesting that the Section should recom mend to the Council to take into their early consideration the propriety of establishing a voluntary Court of Conciliation to aid in the prevention of strikes, and to be equally open to employers and employed.

Mr. RATHBONE said that this question had been before a committee of the Association on a former occasion, who had given it serious consideration; and they had presented an elaborate report, in which they gave it as their opinion that the rate of wages must be settled between the masters and men themselves; and that the intervention of other parties, unless invited by both, and possessing the confidence of both, could be of little value. The results of the deliberations of the committee showed that in their opinion it would not be desirable for the Association to appoint such a Court of Conciliation as that referred to by Mr. Raper. Mr. Rathbone went on to express his disapproval of the union of benefit societies with trade societies on the ground that the objects were distinct, and the workmen who desired to leave the trades' union could not do so on account of the sacrifice which they would thus make of the benefit to which they were entitled in case of sickness. He thought, however, that all trade societies should be recognised by the law, so as to allow trade secretaries to be prosecuted for embezzlement, and thus afford protection to the members.

The CHAIRMAN (Mr. Mulholland) said that every speaker had acknowledged the legality of trade societies, and had condemned trade outrages, and he thought the only positive legislation required would be legislation directed to the prevention of outrages, or of anything that would interfere with individual action on the part of workmen. It had been stated in the discussion that these unions produced an artificial uniformity. He thought that was one of their worst evils, as it prevented the workmen themselves from elevating their own condition. The only way in which such an evil could be arrested was by the increase of knowledge on the part of the workmen. The relations between employer and employed could never be placed on a satisfactory basis until, by a diffusion of a knowledge of the principles of political economy among both employers and employed, they became fully aware that their interests were identical.

EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN.

Miss BARBARA CORLETT read a paper on "The Queen's Institute (Dublin), for the Training and Employment of Educated Women."* The Institute was founded in 1861, as a result of the Congress of the Association in Dublin, and has since that time been in successful operation, giving instruction in the sewing machine, telegraphy,

* See Transactions, 1861, pp. 640, 686; 1862, p. 812; 1863, p. 698.

law-writing, commercial and foreign correspondence, drawing, engraving, lithography, and other pursuits, and obtaining employment for a number of ladies in these occupations. After a discussion the following resolution was passed :—

This Section recommends the Queen's Institute to the Council, and requests them to urge upon mill proprietors and other large employers of female labour the propriety of employing educated ladies as superintendents of the rooms where young women are engaged:

WORKHOUSE CHILDREN.

Miss LOUISA BOUCHERETT read a paper on "Out Relief for Workhouse Children," explaining a plan for boarding out pauper children with mothers of families, that had been adopted by the Eton Union; and a somewhat similar scheme carried out by Mrs. David Archer, of Kingsdowne House, near Swindon, whose example had been followed by two other ladies in Gloucestershire and Lincolnshire. The children were in this way better fed and clothed, were provided with instruction and amusement, and were saved from the degradation of the workhouse. Miss Boucherett strongly recommended that the inspection of such children should be entrusted to educated ladies. In reference to the system advocated in this paper, a resolution was passed by the Section suggesting to the Council the expediency of so far assimilating the poor-law of Ireland to that of England as to allow the Irish poor-law authorities the same discretion as to adopting such a system as similar authorities have in England.

MISCELLANEOUS.

Mrs. CHARLOTTE M. B. STOKER contributed a paper advocating the Claims of Widows and Children of Civil Service Officers to the same advantages in respect to pensions and assisted education as are enjoyed by the families of officers in the army and navy.

Mr. JAMES KENNEDY read a paper on the Land Laws of Europe, in which he contrasted the laws of France and Prussia encouraging the subdivision of land among small proprietors with those of our own country.

The LORD MAYOR OF DUBLIN (the Right Hon. W. Lane Joynt) read a paper on "The Butter Trade of Ireland." Of late startling statements had been made that they were losing the London, American, and Australian markets in this trade. The result of his inquiries was that he found considerable misconceptions existing on the subject. It was not Irish butter that had lost the London market, but the London market that had lost Irish butter. London was formerly the place where, after small markets were supplied, the surplus was