eral facts in regard to political bribery are part of the public knowledge, though it may be difficult to individualize them. Aside from the dullness of the party conscience at this point, the most disheartening feature of this whole business has been the failure to put the emphasis upon the wrong in the fit place. We have held in public contempt the men who take bribes, instead of holding under public condemnation the men who give bribes. Not until the exposure in Missouri were we ready to view this matter in the right proportion. Of course there is a vast difference in degree between the selling of one's vote, and the sale of one's official power or influence as a legislator or judge; still, it is the men or the corporations who are taking the initiative in this kind of corruption with whom we are chiefly concerned. We cannot expend our wrath or our contempt upon their victims and allow them to maintain their respectability. Certainly, as regards the purchase of votes it is the purchaser who is the greater sinner in the light of the sacredness of citizenship. It is he who conceives the mischief, and works the temptation, and secures the result. Upon him should fall the heavier condemnation. We are just awakening to the enormity of the offense of bribery on its active as well as on its receptive side. Let us learn to discriminate in respect to bribery in the purchase of votes among the more ignorant voters, so that the penalty shall fall where it belongs, at a second remove upon ignorance, at first hand upon intelligence. Citizenship, we shall further agree, requires the subordination of private interests to the public good. I would not affirm that men are more selfish or less patriotic than formerly, it is entirely evident that there are greater opportunities for, and greater incentives to, selfaggrandizement at the public cost than formerly. Organization has become a powerful influence in stimulating private interests. It retires personal responsibility; it awakens, in its place, ambition and pride in large adventures; it develops great rivalries; it creates powers which must be recognized, and which may demand to be fostered by the state. Unconsciously, it may be, the private citizen finds himself carried on, step by step, by the way of organized power, to a position where he seeks to utilize the government, or where he is forced to antagonize it. The process is evident, and we are becoming familiar with the result. Hence the growing fear, in the public mind, of organized power, as such,—a fear which is beginning to include organized labor as well as organized capital. It requires no prophetic vision to foresee the nature of the next political struggle,— if there is to be a struggle rather than a campaign,— that it must be between the organ ized and the unorganized power of the country; in which event organized capital and organized labor will be found, of necessity, upon the same side. Who can doubt, in the present circumstance, the duty of all enlightened and patriotic citizenship of trying to avert the possibility of such a struggle. Now, if ever, is the time to consider, and to consider diligently, the public good, if for no other reason than that lasting security may be given to all private interests which are compatible with the public good. And yet, again, I am sure that you will agree with me as I say that citizenship cannot exist without sentiment. The state is not a corporation. It has a soul. It has its essential greatness in its humanity. Citizenship amongst us must conform to the political aims which we profess and to the political ideals which we cherish. It is the ruling passion of a people which fixes its destiny. That ancient and formative passion for liberty, that respect for man as man, that sense of justice which was not satisfied till it had set the bondman free, that hospitality which has held the doors of the nation open to all who aspire after freedom, that tolerance which has kept the realm of opinion as free as the realm of action, that almost impracticable sentiment which has been struggling, and is struggling still, to realize the equality of opportunity, all these are our inheritances of the spirit, the endowment of our citizenship. These are the things for which we stand. Realized politically, they make a democracy. Realized spiritually, they make a brotherhood. Let us realize them through citizenship. Let us keep the path of the democracy of toil and struggle open to the last material rewards to which it is entitled. Let us keep the path for the democracy of the mind open through every grade of education to the last training of the university. Let us keep the path for the democracy of the soul open to every spiritual privilege, even if in so doing we must needs reconstruct our churches. Nothing less than these things can satisfy the deep and abiding sentiment of citizenship. --- Judged by the tests which I have recalled, we cannot say that citizenship, as it exists within our knowledge, is clothed with those sanctities which can alone give it saving and redeeming power. And yet I firmly believe that there has begun a revival of the political conscience of the nation which is to make its moral power commensurate with its intelligence. We are certainly growing more sensitive to political wrongdoing, if in the nation, if in the state, even in the city, we are growing steadier and more determined in movements for reform. We are not afraid to invoke the law of the land for all legitimate ends which are revealed by public necessities. We are growing less narrow, less captious, less partisan in our criticism of public men, and more discriminating in our support of those whom we believe deserve well of the republic. Approval of the right, and of right men, is just as much. a sign of moral advance as criticism of the wrong and of wrong men. And we are also coming to believe, as a nation, that greatness is not incompatible with righteousness, but rather that if greatness be ordered by God, righteousness must come forth out of it in the divine sequence. If God be in His world at the present time, this must be so, for all things which belong to the nations are taking on the dimensions of greatness. The spirit of nationality, of which I spoke at the beginning, of which we are beginning to be really conscious, is, I believe, related to the spirit of God. In His name it is summoning nation after nation to show itself at its best. There is a call of God to nations, as to men, to be great. It is not wise for a nation, any more than it is for a man, when that call comes, 'to hide amongst the stuff." May God in His infinite grace deliver this nation from the weakness and the cowardice of mere material prosperity, into that "liberty wherewith He makes His people free." THE MISSION OF CHRISTIANITY TO THE WORLD PRESIDENT CHARLES CUTHBERT HALL, D. D. To bring the individual into conscious relation with God, and to develop in him a social conscience, are not the only aims of Religious Education. There is a third aim, which includes the others, and advances beyond them. The question before us, at this time is, How can we Quicken in the Individual a Sense of National and Universal Brotherhood? This is but another way of asking, How can we promote in man a Godlike attitude and spirit toward the world? It is the world-view of a man, and the world-view of a people, that makes man and people small or great. We shall not preserve the religious spirit of our nation by external efforts of instruction alone. These will fail unless within the hearts of our youth is conserved and cultivated that Godlike attitude and spirit toward the world which is the sense of National and Universal Brotherhood. God is love; and he that loveth not knoweth not God. Religion is not only consciousness of God, not only a social conscience toward our neighbor; it is a Godlike attitude, a Godlike temper of the mind toward the whole world of men. How shall we quicken this among the millions of our younger citizens? The wise counselor, the President of Dartmouth College, has, in part, answered this question by his address on the Sacredness of Citizenship. There is nothing new in the proposal to connect religion with citizenship. It is a thought that has haunted the world from time immemorial. The East is full of it. The civilization of the West has arisen out of the successive attempts of men and nations to promote, to modify, or to banish this thought. It has taken on the form of ecclesiastical autocracy, dominating the state and the members of society with the rod of spiritual despotism. It has appeared in the modified form of a constitutional union of Church and State, with a religious establishment and a prescribed liturgy emanating from the throne as the head of the Church. It has been repudiated altogether in secularist reactions, wherein citizens, goaded to the denial of God by the tyranny of clericalism, have proved the immortality of the idea of religious education by their futile efforts to extirpate it from the public mind. To-day, in the United States, where ecclesiastical autocracy is impossible, where constitutional union of Church and State is equally impossible, where no provocation to secularist reaction arises, because no interference with religious liberty is attempted, an opportunity exists, perhaps unparalleled in the history of the world, to show the normal relation of religion to citizenship in national life. That opportunity is an educational one. It is found wherever children and youth are found. It consists in whatever deepens the impressionable nature of the young, a spirit of reverence, a sense of national brotherhood, a belief in the sacredness of public duty. Already this spirit is widespread; promoted, thank God! by the contagion of good example on the part of some in the highest stations of government in the land. It will be strange if the American genius for surmounting difficulties, joined with the American conception of rational patriotism, be not adequate ultimately to deal with that highest civic problem of religious education, in which citizens of all faiths have equal interest, the cultivation, in institutions maintained by the public funds, of that sacred attitude of mind toward citizenship which springs from the training of the religious instincts, and only from that. But the correct training of the religious instincts leads to results wider than patriotism. There is a brotherhood that reaches beyond national lines; a citizenship of the world, in the view of which there is neither Jew nor Greek, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor free, but only manhood, with its rights and its wrongs. To qualify for that larger citizenship in the world; to quicken in the individual the sense of universal brotherhood, the Godlike attitude toward other races and other faiths; the respect for man as man,- is the supreme end of Religious Education. It is possible that all may not be in sympathy with this aim. Some may consider it visionary, a matter of phrases rather than an affair of reality, deeming that it is impossible to look on races unlike our own with those feelings of homogeneity and affection that are associated with the idea of brotherhood. Some may call it a revolutionary aim, tending to subvert the providential order of superior and inferior races; a leveling doctrine, at variance with the AngloSaxon tradition. But for those who have discounted artificial distinctions born of time and caste and unequal opportunity, who have construed the Christian religion in the terms of the cosmopolitanism of Jesus Christ, nothing is more sure than that the cultivation of the sense of universal brotherhood is in accord with the spirit of Christ, with the best educational principles, with a rational philosophy, and with the tendencies that shall advance the peace of the world. It is a tremendous thought, that with the growth of the democratic spirit in the twentieth century, which is the growth of the right valuation of personality, individual personality and national personality, there may be at hand a rediscovery of the mission of Christianity to the world, which would mean a return to the cosmopolitanism of Jesus Christ. How simple, and how majestic in its simplicity, is Christ's attitude and spirit toward the world. His mind is disburdened of all questions of sectarianism and race prejudice. He has incarnated Himself in the life of the race, and every interest of the race is dear to Him. He is unhampered by autocratic tradition; He is incapable of the lust of conquest. His heart beats in unison with every upward impulse of humanity, and bows in sympathy over each futile effort. The griefs of the world weigh upon Him. He weeps for its sins. He loves the world with an eternal passion, as of an only-begotten from a Father. He gives His life for the world in atoning sacrifice with joy that despises the shame of the cross, saying: "If I be lifted up, I will draw all men unto myself." What simplicity of intention! what cosmopolitanism of spirit! Far away from it has moved the Christian civilization of the West, caught in the strenuous complications of its historical development. Every force that is alien to the cosmopolitanism of Christ has wrought upon it, to obscure from the eyes of the world, the real mission of Christianity. Ecclesiastical despotism has, more than once, claimed a monopoly of knowledge, in order that, through fear, born of ignorance, it might promote submission to authority. Sectarian strife has dismembered the Church, with fury that, at times, has rivaled the ferocity of pagan wars. The spirit of feudalism, which is the sub |