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a pressed and mutinous crew, pursued his perilous voyage, and forced them, through admiration and wonder, to obediencethey, with men who had voluntarily embraced their service, were forced constantly to contend with desertion, and mutiny, and disobedience. He went with the cross in his right hand, to give to the old world a new, and to offer to the new world, a heaven-they followed to frustrate by folly and cruelty, all that he had done by wisdom and conciliation, to change the cross of mercy into a sword of wrath. He continued through a long and wearisome life, to struggle against the crimes, and madness, and injustice of the colonists--they to set a vile example of all evil, to the reckless adventurers who had followed in their train.

There are, however, scattered through the volume under review, instances of generous devotion and magnanimous forbearance. We need only mention the faithful adherent of Ojeda, the old pilot De la Cosa, to call up to the minds of all who have read this volume, an example of as ardent and disinterested attachment, as is often met with in the world. The generous conduct of Nicuesa in saving his rival Ojeda from destruction, and the kind reception of the same Ojeda by Juan de Esquibel, after the idle and vaunting bravadoes with which that rash man had but a little before insulted him, are worthy of remembrance. With the exception of these three instances, we cannot perceive any ground for the comment of Mr. Irving, when narrating the death of De la Cosa, that "the history of these Spanish discoveries abound in noble and generous traits of character." We can perceive nothing noble and generous' in the neglect and obscurity in which Ojeda was permitted to die, or in the unfeeling manner in which Nicuesa was turned away from Darien, in a crazy brigantine, to founder and perish, as he did, in the first storm he might encounter, or in the execution of the unsuspecting Balboa, whose only crime was too faithful a service of his king.

These voyages, with the exception of that of old Ponce de Leon, were made to the coast of South-America, extending from St. Augustine, the most prominent point of Brazil, to Yucatan. Their principal events occurred along the coast of the Spanish main. They are ten in number, and embrace some important discoveries, such, for instance, as the great extent of the Southern continent, the existence of the river Amazon, and the separation of America from India by the Pacific ocean. They were all made between the years 1499 and 1516.

The five first voyages, being the first and second of Ojeda, those of Pinzon and Bastides and the partnership of P. A. Niño

and Christoval Guerra are narrated with very little detail and do not, in fact, deserve much more. They are, for the most part, unimportant, being matters of mere private speculation, whose success or failure depended entirely, in the estimation of those who made them, upon the balance on the books at the termination of the adventure. They did, indeed, enlarge, in some measure, the sphere of discovery, by striking fortuitously upon regions until then unknown, or improve knowledge by running along known but unexplored coasts, defining their positions and character, and preparing them for future settlement. The immediate cause of these voyages was the account which Columbus had transmitted to Spain of his discovery of the coast of Paria in his third voyage," which he described as abounding 'with drugs and spices, with gold and silver and precious stones, 'and above all, with Oriental pearls, and which he supposed 'to be the borders of that vast and unknown region of the 'East, wherein, according to certain learned theorists, was sit'uated the terrestrial paradise." Without giving a connected recital of these subordinate voyages, we will quote such passages as support the positions we have assumed in our preliminary remarks, and as contain any thing of remarkable novelty or striking incident.

The following extracts exhibit the manner in which the commissions of these voyagers were generally obtained, and the kinds of partnership which were formed to facilitate their schemes :

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"While Ojeda was lingering about the court, letters were received from Columbus, giving an account of the events of his third voyage, especially of his discovery of the coast of Paria, which he described as abounding with drugs and spices, with gold and silver, and precious stones, and above all, with Oriental pearls, and which he supposed to be the borders of that vast and unknown region of the East, wherein, according to certain learned theorists, was situated the terrestrial paradise. Specimens of the pearls, procured in considerable quantities from the natives, accompanied his epistle, together with charts descriptive of his These tidings caused a great sensation among the maritime adventurers of Spain; but no one was more excited by them than Alonzo de Ojeda, who, from his intimacy with the bishop, had full access to the charts and correspondence of Columbus. He immediately conceived the project of making a voyage in the route thus marked out by the admiral, and of seizing upon the first fruits of discovery which he had left ungathered. The scheme met with ready encouragement from Fonseca, who, as has heretofore been shown, was an implacable enemy to Columbus, and willing to promote any measure that might injure or molest him. The bishop accordingly granted a commission to Ojeda, authorizing him to fit out an armament, and proceed on a voyage of discovery, with the proviso merely that he should not visit any territories appertaining to Portugal, or any of the lands discovered in the

name of Spain previous to the year 1495. The latter part of this provision appears to have been craftily worded by the bishop, so as to leave the coast of Paria and its pearl fisheries open to Ojeda, they having been recently discovered by Columbus in 1498.

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"The commission was signed by Fonseca alone, in virtue of general powers vested in him for such purposes, but the signature of the sovereigns did not appear on the instrument, and it is doubtful whether their sanction was sought on the occasion. He knew that Columbus had recently remonstrated against a royal mandate issued in 1495, permitting voyages of discovery, by private adventurers, and that the sovereigns had, in consequence, revoked their mandate wherever it might be deemed prejudicial to the stipulated privileges of the admiral. * Having thus obtained permission to make the voyage, the next consideration with Ojeda, was to find the means. He was a young adventurer, a mere soldier of fortune, and destitute of wealth; but he had a high reputation for courage and enterprise, and with these, it was thought, would soon make his way to the richest parts of the newly discovered lands, and have the wealth of the Indies at his disposal. He had no difficulty therefore, in finding monied associates among the rich merchants of Seville, who, in that age of discovery, were ever ready to stake their property upon the schemes of roving navigators. With such assistance he soon equipped a squadron of four vessels at Port St. Mary, opposite Cadiz." Alonzo de Ojeda, 1st voyage, pp. 11-13.

"The permission granted by bishop Fonseca to Alonzo de Ojeda to undertake a private expedition to the new world, roused the emulation of others of the followers of Columbus. Among these was Pedro Alonzo Niño, a hardy seaman, a native of Moguer in the vicinity of Palos, who had sailed with Columbus as a pilot, in his first voyage, and also in his cruizings along the coasts of Cuba and Paria. He soon obtained from the bishop a similar license to that given to Ojeda, and like the latter, sought for some monied confederate among the rich merchants of Seville. One of these, named Luis Guerra, offered to fit out a caravel for the expedition; but on condition, that his brother Christoval Guerra, should have the command. The poverty of Niño compelled him to assent to the stipulations of the man of wealth, and he sailed as subaltern in his own enterprise; but his nautical skill and knowledge soon gained him the ascendency, he became virtually the captain and ultimately enjoyed the whole credit of the voyage. Voyage of Pedro A. Niño and Christ. Guerra. p. 28.

We shall give some quotations from these minor voyages to shew the wretched policy of the discoverers in making enemies of those, who would have been such valuable auxiliaries in the attainment of their objects, had they been differently treated. The first quotation also contains an account of the discovery of the river Amazon.

"Pinzon now stood forty leagues to the north-west, until he arrived in the neighbourhood of the equinoctial line. Here he found the

water of the sea so fresh that he was enabled to replenish his casks with it. Astonished at so singular a phenomenon he stood in for the land, and arrived among a number of fresh and verdant islands, inhabited by a gentle and hospitable race of people, gaily painted, who came off to the ships with the most frank and fearless confidence. Pinzon soon found that these islands lay in the mouth of an immense river, more than thirty leagues in breadth, the water of which entered upwards of forty leagues into the sea before losing its sweetness. It was, in fact, the renowned Maranon, since known as the Orellana and the Amazon. While lying in the mouth of this river, there was a sudden swelling of the stream, which, being opposed by the current of the sea, and straitened by the narrow channels of the islands, rose more than five fathoms, with mountain waves, and a tremendous noise, threatening the destruction of the ships. Pinzon extricated his little squadron with great difficulty from this perilous situation, and finding there was but little gold, or any thing else of value to be found among the simple natives, he requited their hospitality, in the mode too common among the early discoverers, by carrying off thirty-six of them captive. Vicente Yañez Pinzon, pp. 37, 38.

"After they [the caravels] were all reunited they found their provisions growing scanty, they landed therefore at a part of the coast called Cumana by the natives, but to which, from its beauty and fertility, Ojeda gave the name Valfermoso. While foraging here for their immediate supplies, the idea occurred to Ojeda that he should want furniture and utensils of all kinds for his proposed colony, and that it would be better to pillage them from a country where he was a mere transient visitor, than to wrest them from his neighbours in the territory where he was to set up his government. His companions were struck with the policy, if not the justice, of this idea, and they all set to work to carry it into execution. Dispersing themselves, therefore, in ambush in various directions, they, at a concerted signal, rushed forth from their concealment, and set upon the natives. Ojeda had issued orders to do as little injury and damage as possible, and on no account to destroy the habitations of the Indians. His followers, however, in their great zeal, transcended his orders. Seven or eight Indians were killed and many wounded in the skirmish which took place, and a number of their cabins were wrapt in flames. A great quantity of hammocks, of cotton, and of utensils of various kinds, fell into the hands of the conquerors; they also captured several female Indians, some of whom were ransomed with the kind of gold called guanin; some were retained by Vergara for himself and his friend Ocampo, others were distributed among the crews; the rest, probably the old and ugly, were set at liberty. As to Ojeda, he reserved nothing for himself of the spoil excepting a single hammock. Alonzo de Ojeda, 2d voyage, pp. 48, 49.

We shall conclude our quotations from these voyages by a specimen of the "noble and generous" manner in which these adventurers treated each other. This extract is also of impor

tance as it exhibits to us the situation of Ojeda at the close of his second voyage, and prepares us for that series of discoveries that terminated only in the conquest of Mexico and Peru.

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'Ojeda, with the concurrence of his associates, now set to work to establish a settlement, [at Bahia Honda] cutting down trees, and commencing a fortress. They had scarce begun, when they were attacked by a neighbouring cacique, but Ojeda sallied forth upon him with such intrepidity and effect as not merely to defeat, but to drive him from the neighbourhood. He then proceeded quietly to finish his fortress, which was defended by lombards, and contained the magazine of provisions and the treasure amassed in the expedition. The provisions were dealt out twice a day, under the inspection of proper officers; the treasure gained by barter, by ransom, or by plunder, was deposited in a strong box secured by two locks, one key being kept by the royal supervisor, the other by Ocampo.

"In the mean time provisions became scarce. The Indians never appeared in the neighbourhood of the fortress, except to harass it with repeated though ineffectual assaults. Vergara did not appear with the expected supplies from Jamaica, and a caravel was despatched in search of him. The people, worn out with labour and privations of various kinds, and disgusted with the situation of a settlement, which was in a poor and unhealthy country, grew discontented and factious. They began to fear that they should lose the means of departing, as their vessels were in danger of being destroyed by the broma or worms. Ojeda led them forth repeatedly upon foraging parties about the adjacent country, and collected some provisions and booty in the Indian villages. The provision he deposited in the magazine, part of the spoils he divided among his followers, and the gold he locked up in the strong box, the keys of which he took possession of, to the great displeasure of the supervisor and his associate Ocampo. The murmurs of the people grew loud as their sufferings increased. They insinuated that Ojeda had no authority over this part of the coast, having passed the boundaries of his government, and formed his settlement in the country discovered by Bastides. By the time Vergara arrived from Jamaica, the factions of this petty colony had risen to an alarming height. Ocampo had a personal enmity to the governor, arising probably from some feud about the strong box; being a particular friend of Vergara, he held a private conference with him, and laid a plan to entrap the doughty Ojeda. In pursuance of this, the latter was invited on board of the caravel of Vergara, to see the provisions he had brought from Jamaica, but no sooner was he on board than they charged him with having transgressed the limits of his government, with having provoked the hostility of the Indians, and needlessly sacrificed the lives of his followers, and above all with having taken possession of the strong box, in contempt of the authority of the royal supervisor, and with the intention of appropriating to himself all the gains of the enterprise; they informed him therefore of their intention to convey him a prisoner to Hispaniola, to answer to the governor for his offences. Ojeda finding himself thus entrapped, proposed to

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