on, conftitutes the brightest page in Irish hiftory, and as yet, the moft diftinguished exertion of Irish wifdom and fpirit.

While England could legiflate for Ireland, and actually exercised this power in all matters of imperial concern, they were nearly as much united, as could be effected by the endeavours of man, to join two countries for which the hand of Nature had traced a separate existence. And what was then the ftate of Ireland? Low in agriculture and commerce; with but one manufacture, fcarcely adequate to provide remittances to absentees; beggary in the streets, and idleness in the workshops; the rents of lands fcarcely half their present amount; little room for the production of capital, and as little opportunity for its employment, if acquired. It was a ftate of intolerable poverty, which, with an effort of defperate energy, and in a fortunate conjuncture, ftimulated the nation to wreft from the all-griping and tenacious monopoly of England, a free trade; a state of humiliation, as well as wretchedness, which the Volunteers in their day, were ready to run the risk of war and feparation,

to remove.

But whence do we date the dawning profperity of our country, unless from the leffening of that very connection, which we hear is to be increased; and giving, as much as is confiftent with our prefent relation with Great Britain, the management of Irish affairs, exclufively to the Irish Legislature?

Much as we have to complain of the Irish Parliament, corrupt as it is reprefented to be in a late publication of authority, and viciously as it is compofed, by fitting within the vortex of Irish feelings and refolves, it has occafionally been carried along by the virtue of the people, and made to give a legal utterance and form to their

will. This cafual advantage renders jealous the enemies of our growing profperity; and what has long been defired, the moment of our cruel diffenfions is feized upon, to accomplish the transportation of the whole Irish Legislature, beyond the reach of any extraneous accidental impulfe of Patriotism, to merge and lofe itself in that of Britain.

The nature of our former fubjection to the Parliament of England, with all its manifold evils, was fafer and better than this incorporating Union. Better, becaufe with a common Legiflature to fuperintend the general concerns, we had then, what no Union will leave us, an interior affembly immediately connected with this country, to watch over its domeftic affairs. Even during the fupremacy of its rival, it ftill poffeffed inherent powers, which might be exercifed' in favour of the country; which were in fact fometimes exerted for its good, and at all times put it in the power of the Irish people themfelves, to remove without convulfion or war, any evil they did not think proper to fubmit to. It was, more than any foreign Parliament can be, under the eyes of the Irith public, more within the fphere of its opinions, and more likely to be impelled by its movements. During its glorious ftruggles at the clofe of the American war, how confiderably have we not feen its patriotism roufed and invigorated, by the unanimity of the people at large, and the noble ardour of the Volunteers! Thefe caufes would have operated more feebly, or not at all, upon a compound Parliament refiding in Britain; and if we confider the oppofition a free trade received from that quarter, and the enthusiasm with which it was fought for here, who is there that must not confefs it would, with fuch a Parliament, have been either not obtained, or obtained only by the fword? Let me fuppofe any other queftion, which fhall again marfhal the paffions and interefts of both nations,

B2

nations, if carried in the Legislature of the Empire, as it has been quaintly denominated, the English will be apt to fee no better ufe of their army, than to inforce and support their dominion. If therefore the Irifh fhould be again firm and peremptory, as they were on the queftion of free trade, they must compute the chances of the field, when their sneaking petitions fhall have failed; or if not, flink back into filence' and fubmiffion. They will confequently, under an Union, be lefs fafely circumstanced than they are with

out one.

The Irish members affociated to the British Parliament, in the improbable fuppofition, that none could be bought over to a dereliction of Irish interefts, can by no means be an equivalent for a domeftic Parliament with a diftinct will and co-ordinate powers; more capable on that account to give protection against future injuries, and to redress exifting ones, in the fame way as was done in 82 by the Irish Parliament, which, impelled by public opinion, acted as no Parliament refiding abroad can be ever neceffitated to act.

In point of protection to Ireland, I confider the admiffion of Irish members into the British Senate, as of no avail. They will be a very fmall minority in that affembly, and wherever the interests of the two nations clash, cafes in which the Irish members will be peculiarly called upon to act as an Irish body, they will be moft of all without weight or influence; they will naturally be oppofed by the prejudices, paffions, and interefts of the English majority, actuated against them by all these powerful motives. Their admiffion will be used as a cloak to hide the fame and infamy of their country's fubjugation, but it will be utterly incapable to secure good, or prevent the enaction of bad laws. In both thefe refpects we fhall be at the mercy of England.

The

The pretence of equal advantages is held out; but it is more than will ever be realized, because it would be contrary to the interefts of Britain; and more than fhould be looked for from a treaty where one of the contracting parties has a great fuperiority of power, and a weighty controuling influence over the other. It will be a bargain, to which there will be but one party; which, as it cannot be liftened to, without a beginning dereliction of Irish interefts, fo it cannot be concluded without their utter abandonment. It can never be advisable for a rifing country, to link itself to one that has reached its acmé; the former requires nothing for the completion of its profperity, but to be left to itself; the latter may, and does in the instance of England, require an affociate to eafe her of the overwhelming burthens brought on by her wars and her extravagance, to give fecurity to her debts, and to divide her taxes. Has England ever done us a voluntary or gratuitous favour? and if not, which fhall we attribute this measure of an Union, to a regard for us, or for herfelf? If fhe has not dared to propofe, though she has betrayed the defire of proposing this measure, during the existence of national harmony, and confequent vigour, but brings it now forward, when civil ftrife and fatal animofities have fet those in hoftile oppofition, who fhould be united for their common freedom; when fhe expects that one defpicable fet of monopolifts, increasing in rancour in proportion to their crimes, will give up Ireland, rather than fhare it in equal liberty with their , countrymen; and when the expects, falfely I hope expects, that the mass of Irish population, will confent to the ruin, in order to be revenged of its adverfaries; does the not, by such conduct, disclose her own judgment of the scheme, and purfue the policy of all ambitious and unprincipled powers, who take advantage of the diffenfions of their neighbours, to promote their own selfish ends of aggrandizement ?

If even now, in a lefs dependent condition than we should be in after an Union, the complaifance of our reprefentatives for the will and interefts of Britain, be too fatally a cause of complaint, how will fuch a state be improved by their removal to another country, when at a greater diftance from the importunity, if not the controul, of their conftituents; lefs influenced by a fense of public fhame, if not awed by public opinion; and more open to the corruption of a selfish adverse party? This will be easily felt by those who take the trouble to confider, whether with an UnionParliament, Ireland could have accomplished her past atchievements; and if fuch a body was not likely to ferve her then, in her arduous conteft, is there not precisely the fame reafon to conclude, it cannot in any fubfequent difference? Who fhall prefumptuously affert, that causes of differences will not again arife? who will venture to affirm that power will not be abused, and that monopoly will remain inactive ? But though nothing were infringed, will every thing be done? Will the Union-Parliament encourage the working of our collieries, the cutting of canals, the exploration and working of our mines of earths and minerals, the building of fhips and docks? will it raise rivals to Whitehaven, Birmingham, Stafford, Manchefter, and Liverpool? Will it encourage education and arts? That is, will it endeavour to make Ireland independent of Great Britain, by giving her more means in addition to thofe fhe poffeffes, of exifting as a feparate ftate? Let paft experience give the anfwer.

Such would be the confequences, though the Irish deputies to the British Parliament, were every man of them faithful to his truft; but it is more natural to imagine, they will connect themselves by refidence with England, and be gained over to her cause, by the allurements of emolument and power. When

they