In taking a retrospect of the policy of nations, for a series of years past, we are forcibly struck with the evidences of a general disposition of a highly pacific character. After long and fierce contentions, attended with few benefits, but which were the cause of unnumbered afflictions and calamities, drenching the earth in blood and tears, the great object of which seemed to be to gratify the arrogance and insatiable ambition of a few blood-thirsty rulers and their profligate associates. Europe appears to have settled down in comparative tranquillity. The awful lesson which has been taught to mankind by that greatest of all scourges, the French revolution, has undoubtedly made a deep, and we would fain hope a lasting, impression. Wars undertaken for conquest, insure very few durable advantages, while they never fail to produce consequences the most destructive and blighting. They unhinge the whole moral force and structure of society; they derange all order, and strike at the root of every useful project. They defeat the noblest pursuits, debase the public mind, and carry in their train the proofs of inexpressible anguish, and wide-spread desolation. The career of an ambitious tyrant is invariably marked by all the cruel ravages, degradation, and suffering, that can afflict a people. To satisfy ourselves in this respect, we need only bring to view the disastrous and desolating course of that baleful meteor, NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. In his movements, he swept over Europe like a tempest of fire, consuming and blackening the fairest portions of the earth. His march was every where indicated by frightful exhibitions of blood and carnage, robbery and plunder. Nothing could check his grasping ambition, or restrain his aspiring spirit. For a while, surrounding nations stood aghast at the terror of his name, and even distant and peaceful America beheld his ominous shadow with symptoms of alarm. If this man was a mere instrument in the hands of a righteous Providence to bring retributive justice upon offending nations, then must their sins and abominations have increased to a fearful magnitude. Their offences must have reached the throne of heaven, and provoked summary vengeance; for it is doubtful whether, since the existence of the human family, another individual has been sent upon the earth, who was the author of so many and such overwhelming misfortunes. In saying this, I wish not to be considered as attempting to derogate from his claim to greatness. The world, by unanimous assent, has conclusively settled this point. In one feature of character, he may be said to stand without a parallel; for no one can doubt that, as a warrior, or more properly a destroyer, he was preeminently great. Here was the pillar of his renown, and in this alone it consisted. If he awakened the admiration of mankind by his numerous conquests and extraordinary good fortune, he exhibited nothing calculated to beget and insure permanent esteem. He was, in the most unlimited degree, haughty, insolent, revengeful, and rapacious; but these qualities were sometimes made subservient to his ruling passion, ambition. When this man met with his final overthrow, a shout of joy was reechoed throughout Europe. He fell suddenly from his perilous elevation, his star of glory was obscured, and he sunk ignobly in endless night, leaving behind him little of honorable fame, and still less for imitation. His devious path was so stained with blood, and made so utterly abhorrent and repulsive, by multiplied victims, and by deeds of complicated crimes and wickedness, that we turn with loathing from the contemplation of such a hideous spectacle. Since the depopulating and desolating wars of Europe have ceased to occupy the attention, and waste the resources of the people, we find them moulding their views and concentrating their energies with fixed designs for the accomplishment of works of utility. Public and private means are wisely applied to the promotion of the arts and sciences; to the opening of those fountains of wealth and knowledge which serve to increase their enjoyments, and disseminate the light of truth. Hence it is found, that not merely in England, so famed for noble schemes, but with the continental governments, magnificent plans for improving and embellishing their respective dominions are in successful progress. The construction of rail-roads and canals, which are of such inestimable value, and which contribute so essentially to the general prosperity, are leading concerns among several of the continental powers, but more particularly with France. The example of such a rich and powerful kingdom must have a controlling and salutary influence among all others; for nothing begets imitation so quickly as example, whether it be for good or for evil. Wise and patriotic rulers will therefore make suggestions and bring forward projects which are at once feasible and useful; and where these are found to be pregnant with advantages to the great body of a community, it immediately touches those finer springs which call forth the latent energies, and set the whole machine in active motion. What adds greatly to the force of these considerations, is the interesting fact, that crowned heads and other dignitaries are found enlisted in the promotion of those schemes which are designed to extend the benefits of trade and intercourse, by opening new channels of communication; thereby increasing the riches of their subjects, and consequently fortifying the strength and extending the reputation of their kingdoms. The French monarch is said to be most assiduous in his efforts to promote these enlarged views, and is prompt to bestow patronage wherever the public welfare requires the aid of his power and influence. And since the restoration of general tranquillity, and peace has spread her downy wings over those fair regions, a period of little more than twenty years, it has become the prevailing belief that manufactures and the arts have made greater advances, and been rewarded with results more extensively beneficial, than were realized in the preceding half century. Learning and the sciences have kept pace with the arts; and by these united means, France has risen to proud distinction and preeminent rank among her continental neighbors. But in turning our eye to England, we behold the evidences of enlightened views, of concentrated energies, and of matchless enterprise. Her statesmen, who comprehend the true economy and value of political ascendancy, have been long zealously employed in opening the most durable and fertilizing streams of wealth and distinction. She is marching with giant strides to unrivalled renown. Her projects are as vast as her national strength and resources are wonderful. Such are her combined means, and such her commanding influence, that she seems to move in an orbit which has gathered accumulated lustre, and enables her to spread before the nations a sheen of trans cendant glory. In the united agency of agriculture, arts, manufactures, commerce, and naval force, with the aid of 'proud science,' she has made herself an object of admiration and wonder throughout the earth Over all this, the light of revelation has cast its sacred mantle, while the whole structure rests on the substantial and unshaken pillars of a system of laws and jurisprudence, consecrated by long experience and profound wisdom, every part of which is maintained in its respective relation by the purest freedom. Of Great Britain it may with entire truth be said, that wherever she plants her standard, notwithstanding her many bloody conflicts, there civil liberty, with all its attendant blessings, strikes a deep and permanent root, which soon sends forth luxuriant branches, that bear perennial blossoms. Such are the rich fruits of that happy condition which has taken the place of exterminating and ruinous wars. In addition to considerations so imposing and gratifying, a new era has suddenly opened upon us. We have been the happy witnesses of a successful experiment, that bids fair to bring about an entire change in the mode of intercourse between nations. Indeed, who can estimate the consequences of the great enterprise of traversing the Atlantic by steam? Who shall undertake to prescribe limits to the combined effects of the arts and sciences? Or what human mind can measure the stupendous results to which we may rationally presume this bold project will give birth? We are wrapt in amazement, as we contemplate the glorious theme, and extend our views to the consequences which are destined to spring out of it. Nor the least of these, will be that unrestrained and free intercourse between people whose residences are in remote countries and distant divisions of the earth. If we can cross the great Atlantic in fourteen or fifteen days, riding the mountain wave in perfect tranquillity and safety, no bounds can be set to the multiplied communications and interchanges that will constantly flow from such facilities and advantages. Nothing can tend more effectually to remove from the mind of travellers and from communities all lurking prejudices, and give expansion to their conceptions and feelings. Light and knowledge will spread over the earth like the morning beams, and men will reap bountiful harvests from fruitful fields hitherto untrodden and unknown. The surprising effects which have already been produced, through the agency of steam, are sufficient to bring home to every considerate mind the conviction, that a complete revolution will be effected, both in the operations of war, and the pursuits of peace. Warlike nations will construct steam batteries, not merely for harbor defence, but for distant expeditions. Their susceptibility of prompt movements and unerring certainty, will come powerfully in aid of such a design; for it is easy to see how soon, with a fleet of vessels of this description, a formidable military force could make a lodgment on the shore even of a distant country. Let us suppose a state of hostility between the United States and one of the great maritime powers of Europe. What would be our condition? Would not our whole southern frontier be exposed to the danger of sudden incursions? And would not France or England be ready at any moment for such an enterprise? While lying supinely ourselves, we should probably only be awakened from our sluggish dreams by the appearance of an enemy on our borders. And who does not comprehend the exposed and vulnerable condition of our southern country, and the strong temptation it would hold out to a proud and rapacious foe? Here would be the attack, and here could a hostile force easily get a foothold, and make an impression that might beget fatal consequences. The prevalence of peace among nations, has paved the way to the introduction and rapid improvement of all those arts which minister so essentially as well to their regeneration as to their gratification. It has afforded them a breathing time, imparting to them new impulses, and inspiring them with fresh conceptions and renewed hopes of future happiness. So far as has depended on individual or local enterprise, America has partaken largely of this energetic and invigorating spirit. The national contributions, however, have been sparing. The nations of the old world will so far profit by the present condition of things, as to renew their wasted energies, and be prepared for any bold enterprise, by providing themselves with the most efficient and ample means. Sagacious statesmen never lose sight of favorable opportunities to fortify and strengthen their resources. And does not as well the voice of experience as of prudence, admonish us to adopt the like means, and make similar preparations? What right have we to look for an exemption from those misfortunes which have been the lot of all other nations? Is it not then the dictate of enlightened patriotism to make a prudent forecast, and by the use of precautionary measures, augment the vigor of the national arm? Why forego a period so inviting and auspicious, and by exhibiting confirmed weakness, provoke the ready aggression of some power who has listened to the suggestions of wiser counsels, and pursued a nobler and more liberal policy? The nation has been heretofore subjected to extreme humiliation, and immense losses, from its inability to meet emergencies which could not be foreseen, but which might have been successfully repelled, had proper means been seasonably provided. How desirable then is it, that we avoid that pernicious spirit of parsimony and petty economy, which is not less the source of weakness than the parent of misfortune. Bitter experience has demonstrated it to be the worst species of economy that ever found advocates. Very little reflection would suffice to convince the people of this country, that they ought to place themselves in a position that should make them feel as conscious of their strength as they are proud of their freedom. Let us glance, for a moment, then, at the importance and necessity of enhancing our national strength. With all the physical means required to produce the masculine proportions and strength of a giant, we seem indeed to exhibit but the shapeless stature and impotence of a dwarf. The public arm is completely unnerved, and our empty show of force has become the theme of jest and ridicule. It is a settled maxim, sanctified by truth and confirmed by history, that no nation can either maintain its rights or command the respect of others, whose weakness is such as to provoke insult, or invite aggression. There is a rank due to the United States,' says WASHINGTON, 'which will be withheld from the imputation of weakness.' It is not in the nature of things, that a people can preserve their independence and just rank, unless their means are not only adequate to their own protection, but sufficient to enforce an observance of those laws which are based on the principles of eternal justice. Hence the necessity of investing the supreme authority with that degree of vigor that shall operate as a continual shield, as well against the perpetration of wrong, as for the protection of right. The only mode in which these things are to be accomplished, is by increasing the military and naval force to an extent proportioned to the public exigencies and requirements. As a people, we ought to bear in mind that we are now the second commercial power on the globe, and that in all probability, before the lapse of another generation, we shall be the first. The importance, therefore, of materially augmenting the means of naval warfare, would seem to be a self-evident position. A rich and expanding commerce calls for naval protection, not only as regards individual rights and property, but with a view to the safety of the revenue. And this duty becomes the more obvious and binding, when we take into consideration a line of sea-coast little short of two thousand miles in extent, with bays, harbors, and rivers, almost without number, and of the easiest imaginable access. And moreover, the long train of misfortunes, and the consequent anguish occasioned by hordes of pirates and freebooters, who but recently infested the West India seas, and were continually hovering on our coast, committing murders and depredations of a most revolting nature, ought to admonish us how we again open the door to similar outrages. In the destruction of nearly the whole of our naval strength, and in the introduction of the ridiculous gun-boat system, that memento of folly and stupidity, we behold the vivid picture of our shame and humiliation. We should learn wisdom, not less from the example of older nations, than from the effects of our own sore experience. From an early period, even until the present day, we have felt the evils which spring from an exposed and unguarded condition of our most valuable interests. With the exception of a few intervals, which were as fleeting as the causes that led to them, we have beheld a succession of fluctuations, pernicious, in the highest degree, to |