generously offered for this purpose. Rask was an intimate friend of our author; he also seems to have had intercourse with most of the other Anglo-Saxon scholars on the Continent; some of whom have rendered most important assistance, not only in the valuable 'Prolegomena on the Origin and Affinities of the 'Germanic Languages,' but in the preparation of the Lexicon itself. One of them,' to use the language of Dr Bosworth himself, well-acquainted with all the Teutonic and Scandinavian dialects, has used his utmost efforts to verify every word 'introduced amongst parallels, and to give the orthography and 'gender correctly.' As the eagerness with which our author has availed himself of every source of information, is in the highest degree creditable to him as a scholar; so the frankness and the gratitude with which he acknowledges all such assistance, are equally creditable to him as a man. Indeed, the candour

which he every where manifests, is well worthy of the imitation of authors in general. Not the minutest obligations are left unacknowledged, even on points where some other writers would have appropriated them without scruple. With a still more resolute candour, he does not hesitate to modify or abandon early opinions, whenever more extensive or more accurate research has suggested the propriety of doing so. Thus he frankly acknowledges, in his preface to the Essentials of Anglo-Saxon 'Grammar,' that as information increased, there has been a ' gradual approximation in grammatical forms and accents to the ' views of Professors Rask and Grimm.'

The general plan of the Lexicon is this:-The Anglo-Saxon words are usually followed by the parallel terms in the cognate dialects; the derivation of the word immediately succeeds the synonymes; then the meanings are given in English, while to the principal significations, the Latin is also added, thus securing the authority of Somner and Lye. Then follow the quotations from Anglo-Saxon writers, with an English translation as literal as possible. The grammatical inflexions are fully given, and the gender of the nouns (a matter of immense importance, and in which Lye's great work is singularly faulty) marked with great care. As to the much debated question of orthography, Dr Bosworth tells us that he has always followed 'that which he has found in the best authors; while the principal variations in the literal expression of a word, are added in the ' order in which they vary from what is deemed to be the correct 'spelling. No fancy or presumption has been permitted in the 'orthography; but all authors have been allowed to answer 'for themselves, and to appear in their own dress, without a wish 'to dictate the mode in which it is now presumed they ought to 'have written.'

Our author originally intended to include none but pure AngloSaxon words; none in fact that are found after A.D. 1100. We think he judged wisely in somewhat extending the rule. Most of the words thus added are from the Saxon Chronicle;' and as in every such case the date is added, there can be no fear of confounding pure with impure words. The valuable system of accents, as developed by recent scholars, has been adopted. We must add, that, by an ingenious contrivance, this Dictionary not only answers the purpose of a Saxon-English and of a SaxonLatin, but of an English and Saxon and Latin and Saxon Dictionary. At the close of the work extensive indices of English and Latin words are given, and references to the columns of the Dictionary, where the correspondent Anglo-Saxon words are to be found.

Nor is the preliminary matter inferior in value to that of the Lexicon itself. After illustrating in a very concise but perspicuous manner the great doctrine, that all languages had a common origin, our author proceeds to consider the origin, history, and mutual connexion of the Germanic tongues. These he treats in a series of brief but very able dissertations, illustrated by copious specimens. They embrace a general view of the LowGerman, High-German, and Scandinavian dialects. Those on Anglo-Saxon, Friesic, Dutch, and German, are of considerable extent. In that on the Friesic, Dr Bosworth expresses his obligations to Mr Halbertsman, one of the principal promoters of Friesian literature. We quite agree with our author as to the extraordinary affinities between this dialect and the Anglo-Saxon; and that it is calculated to shed a stronger light on the latter than any other of the sister dialects. One cannot fail to be struck, however, throughout these dissertations, with the strong family likeness amongst all the dialects of the Germanic languages; and at the ease with which any one acquainted with English and Dutch, or English and German, might acquire the rest.

The Dissertations are followed by articles on the affinity of the Germanic languages; a short account of the great etymological systems of modern Germany, the essentials of AngloSaxon grammar; an abstract of the grammar of Rask, and of that portion of Grimm's Deutsche Grammatik' which relates to the Saxon.

In fact, this volume contains, within a moderate compass, a complete apparatus for the study of Anglo-Saxon. Copious, accurate, cheap-embodying the whole results of modern AngloSaxon scholarship-there is no other work of the kind that can be put in comparison with it; and we therefore unhesitatingly recommend it as a valuable addition to this department of our literature.

1839. Lord Lyndhurst's Review of the Last Session. 245

ART. IX.-1. Speech of the Right Hon. Lord Lyndhurst, delivered in the House of Lords, Aug. 23, 1839. London. 2. "Shall we overturn the Coach ?"-A letter to George Grote, Esq. M.P. London.

3. The Ministerial Crisis. By T. Gisborne, Esq. Junior. London.

IT

T is recorded of a lady of fashion, that being once at a watering-place with her daughters, it suddenly occurred to her that, for the sake of example, she might as well go to church. Accordingly, one Sunday, her ladyship, attended by the young ladies, entered the chapel most in request, and having boldly marched up the aisle, requested the pew-woman to give them the best seats for hearing the preacher- a private pew, ᎥᏝ you please, with a curtain: let it be the warmest you have, with a stove in it put the footman close by, that he may be in 'the way to open the door. I prefer, if you please, that pew ' lined with red cloth; it looks comfortable.' 6 Madam,' said

6

the startled pew-woman, 'I am very sorry-but we have not a seat to give you.' The lady paused-turned round to her daughters, and said (as she walked out), with the complacency. of a satisfied conscience- Well, my dears, at all events we have ⚫ done the civil thing!' The consolation of the noble and learned Lord, the title of whose speech stands amongst those of the publications prefixed to this article, is something of the same kind. If he has not secured his place, he has at least done the civil thing. So elated are his Lordship and his party with the attempt, that they are not contented without making known so laudable an action to all the world. The civil thing is not only done, but, what is more, the civil thing is published and sold for popular distribution at two shillings and sixpence sterling per dozen!

We own that to us there seems something a little farcical in the sessional ceremony which Lord Lyndhurst deems it necessary to the institutions of the country to perform. What might have had point and effect in the first instance, argues poverty of invention when carried into an annual exhibition. This formal parade of verbal hostility-this speech without a result-this elaborate censure, which does not dare to risk a vote-this unqualified reprobation of the past, which shrinks from all application to the future-this roar about impeachments ending in a nibble at papers-appears to us but a very frivolous amusement

in the leaders of a party that professes to have on its side all the respectability of the country, when they wind up their yearly campaign against a Ministry who, in the words of the noble and learned Sessional Reviewer, are regarded by the people with hatred and contempt.'

If Lord Melbourne and his colleagues, as Lord Lyndhurst avers,'' pursue a course considered, and justly, by the constitution of these realms as a high misdemeanour, subjecting the ' parties to impeachment'—why not draw up the articles, and come at once to the trial? To strut forth on the stage, periodically at fair-time, with all this parade of invective, with a ferrea vox and a sword of tin, does not remind us so much of Coningsby as of Catterfelto. His Lordship entitles his speech a Review of the Session.' His review is like that of the Persian at Thermopyla. He leaves what were slain of the enemy on the field, but he carefully buries the losses on his own side. He not only exults over the measures that have been slaughtered, but over those he had meant to slaughter. In a sort of Virgilian Hades, conjured up by his Lordship's poetical imagination, he sees before him the innocent spectres of Bills yet unborn; and is heroically indignant that he has not yet had the pleasure of butchering them. While he finds so much cause for exultation, he must permit us to look out for comfort. And, in the first place-Lord Lyndhurst is not in office.

It may be the misfortune of this Government, that many of its measures on behalf of liberty, civil and religious, have been defeated or unavoidably delayed; but it has not existed, nor does it yet struggle in vain, whilst it interposes a check to the encroachments of a grasping and intolerant party. If it cannot completely carry out the principles of good government, it is not therefore useless whilst it prevents the formation of a bigoted ministry. It may be true that it has not yet established for Ireland municipal institutions, upon just and liberal conditions of equality with England; but whilst it exists, it at least prevents a Municipal Bill that would strengthen the oligarchy in professing to be popular. If it cannot carry the low, it prevents the establishment of the high franchise. It may be true that it has not yet secured to the Canadas a constitution conformable to the wants and circumstances of the colonists; but the Canadas are saved at least from the counter-legislation of those whose contemptuous neglect fostered abuses; and whose factious spirit at the ninth hour not only palters with the remedies for discord, but hazards the efficacy of protection to property and life. Whatever may be the patriotism of the Tories at home, it is difficult to regard their treatment of the Colonies without

strong and unqualified reprehension. The fairest portions of the empire secured to England by her arms and commerceher last possessions in the New World-are torn by civil commotion-law suspended-trade arrested:-on one side, the English settlers, stubborn in the pride of race, exasperated by the animosities of years, despising the ignorance which thwarted all improvement, enraged at the ferocity which menaced their homes; on the other side, an uninformed, simple, credulous peasantry, roused by a handful of demagogues into a rebellion, not the less lamentable because hopeless; on the frontiers, all the desperate spirits of an adventurous population, feebly restrained by the weak Executive of a Republic. The Crisis appealed not only to the honour of the Mother Country, but to her humanity; and if ever there were occasion in which it behoved statesmen for a while to lay aside those hostilities of party-the object of which is the possession of place-that occasion was in the appointment of a Governor-General sent to the Canadas at such a time. It was in vain to suspend a constitution-in vain to erect an authority of parchment-if the discontented inCanada—if the borderers of the United States-had merely to glance over a London newspaper, in order to learn that one branch of the domestic legislature was seeking occasion to arraign as a defendant the very man sent out to the Colonies as a judge-that every step of his authority was watched by jealous and malignant eyes-that in the least collision between the administrator and the violators of the law, the violators would be sheltered at the expence of the administrator. Who does not know the whole conduct of the Opposition, from the moment Lord Durham left England to the hour he returned? Who, with one particle of common sense, can deny, or even doubt, that the condition of the Canadas, and the policy of the Governor, were as completely party questions with the Tories, as the Irish Appropriation Clause or the Reform Bill? It may be lamented that the work begun by Lord Durham was not completed. But it is matter of congratulation, at least, that they who could thwart were not permitted to construct. What constitution-fair, impartial, and permanent—could have been expected from a Government composed of those who, when in power, had not touched a single grievance-who, in opposition, struggled alike against conciliation and authorityand who prated of technicalities and forms, when law itself lay in ashes amidst the flames of a civil war? What constitution, except that implied by Lord Chandos, even before Lord Durham had turned his back upon England, when he asked, amidst the cheers of his party, 'Why send a Governor at all? Why not leave the Colonies to the command of Sir John Colborne ?'