"That his Majesty conceiveth they come up with minds to perform the contents of the writ whereby they are summoned; which calleth, not to bargain, nor to declaim, or to make long and eloquent orations, but to give counsel and consent in the hard and important causes of the Kingdom.",

Proceeding to the reasons for calling Parliament, after lengthily mentioning an Act for Naturalising the issue of his daughter Elizabeth, and touching on the succession (without a word about "Ireland," or the recompilation of the laws1), the King is to declare that for the last two years (i.e. since Cecil's death) he has been his own Minister, and to dilate, with something of passion, on the perilous, undignified, and wasteful position of a monarch without money:

"Besides the peril of the Estate in case of wars and troubles, they may think what a prejudice it is to the Crown and Kingdom, for his Majesty to be known to have his coffers empty and to be indebted; for that there can be no negotiation, nor treaty, be it of marriage, commerce, failure of justice in foreigners, or whatsoever, but it maketh the foreigner to stand upon proud terms, and to presume to work his own conditions. Nay it emboldeneth the foreigner not only to treat a cavallo, but actually to encroach and affront the State, thinking it impuissant to resent of injuries. And lastly his Majesty shall have a true trial of the loving affections of his subjects, if they shall deal kindly and worthily with him in freeing and settling both his mind and his Estate at once; whereby he may the better exercise not only the political part of his office in that which concerneth the public, but even the very economic, by setting himself out of interest, making provisions beforehand, taking things at just prices, and the like, which yet hitherto he hath never been able to do. That therefore this matter of supply of treasure was the second cause of calling this Parliament and upon the ground before remembered. For to speak to his Parliament in the language of an accountant by setting forth the particulars of his debts, charge, and revenue; or in the language of a merchant by crying of his royalties to sale; or in the language of a tyrant by telling them that he must set upon the tenters his laws and prerogatives if they do not supply him—they were courses that were never his own, his Majesty being rather willing to rest upon their affections than to conclude them by necessities."

1 Probably he found the King averse to these suggestions, and therefore did not repeat them. But a marginal note (printed by Mr. Spedding in italics, and not as the other marginal notes) adds, "His M. may be pleased to consider in this place whether he will not express some particulars, as the state of Ireland, &c."

2 Text, "failer."

This is contrary to Bacon's previous advice (p. 183). He had warned the King not to expect to free himself per saltum, but per gradus.

Passing from what the Crown requires to what the subjects desire, the King is to declare that

"His Majesty, for his part is resolved not to entertain his people with curious tales and vain hopes, but to prevent1 words with deeds, and petitions with grants: wherein his Majesty for their comfort doth let them know that he intendeth to send down upon them (as the Scripture sayeth) both the first and the later rain; for he will send them down in the end of Parliament a bountiful pardon, and at the first entrance hath given order to possess them with such Bills of grace and relief as cannot be matched in example in the time of any of his progenitors, and will descend as a new birth-right and advancement to all their posterity."

Then, after a humorous comparison of himself to Bishop Gardiner, the King is to make another protest that he does not bestow these benefits by way of bargain, and that he will give them a great deal more if they will only treat him liberally :

"And if any man thinketh that his Majesty doth this chiefly to draw on a large gift from his subjects at this time when he needeth them, his Majesty will say this one word and desireth it may be remembered: that when his Majesty shall find his state recovered-which with the good help of his subjects he hath vowed seriously and instantly to go through with 3 -they shall find his Majesty more ready then than now to confer upon them other things which now it were not seasonable to think of; so that they may conclude that the state that his Majesty standeth in now doth put back his bounty and not draw it on."

The meaning of this is obvious. While protesting that he does not bargain, the King is to bargain with the most barefaced frankness. He is to say distinctly that there are certain things good for the nation which he will bestow upon them if they are liberal to him, but not otherwise. Were there the least obscurity, it would be dispelled by a marginal note-printed by Mr. Spedding in italics like the hint on Ireland above mentioned-which tells us that "this may have a tacit reference to give hope of somewhat to be done concerning the Impositions."

1 i.c. anticipate.

2 Here, again, the King's style seems plainly discernible: "For as Bishop Gardiner was wont to say that he meant to be Bishop an hundreth [sic] years after his death, meaning it by the long leases which he had made, so his Ma. in a contrary sense, would be glad it should be said that King James were King many years after his decease in the benefits and grants and good laws which he made for the good of his subjects."

3 Here for the second time Bacon advises the King to clear himself from his debts per saltum, and not (as he had previously advised) per gradus.

The price that the King is to pay for the "large gift from his subjects" is certainly left indefinite; it is only a "hope," about "somewhat;" and the reference to the Impositions is "tacit;' none the less it must have been clear to every one who heard these words, if the King uttered them, that the King thereby promised a requital to the Commons if they would enable him to pay his debts.

From the objects to be pursued by Parliament, the King is to pass to the consideration of the course of proceedings; as to which he is, first of all, to repeat a third protest against bargaining:

"That in the last Parliament his Majesty took upon him the person of a merchant, and they took upon them the persons of purchasers or contractors. But that in this Parliament his Majesty will hold himself to the person of a gracious King, and leave them to the persons of loving and kind subjects. That in bargains the manner is for either part to hold hard for themselves; but in kindness the true proceeding is for either part chiefly to take care of the other. Charitas non quærit que sua sunt. The King to take care of his subjects, and the subjects to take care of their King."

A pretty sentiment: only not very consistent with the avowal just uttered that he would not bestow certain benefits on his subjects till they had first completely freed him from his debts. We have seen above that Bacon's Memorial twice suggests that the King should state his intention of paying off his debts at once, that is to say, £680,000 in addition to the annual deficit of £200,000. These sums therefore he expected the House of Commons to vote in supply. But, if they voted them, and thereby placed him in a position where, for some time at all events, he could have no need of them, what security had they that the King would grant them any adequate requital? Nothing except a "hope" that the King might do "somewhat" as to the Impositions; and this conveyed in words that implied no more than a "tacit reference"!

After expressing a desire that the Commons would set forth their grievances or petitions in distinct Bills, instead of accumulating many in one Bill, and that they would settle the money question without unnecessary conference with the Lords, the

1 Gardiner, History, ii. 228.

King is to conclude his speech by announcing four princely resolutions: the first that, as he will not give up, so he will not magnify, any part of his Prerogative. The second, repeating and emphasising what has been twice said before, declares :

"That his Majesty hath fully resolved and vowed to free his estate at once and not to endure any longer the afflictions or temptations of a king in want. That there be but two means to do it, the one out of his own means, and the other by the help of his subjects. That, for the former, his Majesty seeth through it and knoweth his way, and hath set it down to himself. But then it must be with some diminution of the patrimony of his posterity, and perhaps with the withholding of some favours and eases which pass daily from the Crown to his people. But his Majesty is confident upon their loves and affections that he shall not be driven to that course. And that this he will assure them, that, whatsoever they shall give by way of help, there was never gift that should be more rightly bestowed according to the mind of the giver than this shall be. For that his Majesty hath set down to himself so to distinguish his receipts as there shall never thereafter be any more arrears, but always competent store for that which concerneth public services."

His Majesty is also to express his determination not to rely on the service of a few men (the Undertakers), but on the whole body of his Commons; and he is to conclude his speech with a protest that he has been misrepresented and traduced by those who assert that he does not love Parliaments. On the contrary

"His Majesty in his own disposition hath ever loved a Parliament. For it is for kings to dislike a Parliament, that, through stupidness or pride, are like images and statuaes, and have no fit composition to treat with their people which is so far from his Majesty, as, for his part-were it not for the charge of his subjects, or further doubt that it should be to draw more money from them-his Majesty could wish the ancient statutes were put in ure," i.e. use, "of holding a Parliament every year."

To a certain extent James followed Bacon's suggestions. He inserted indeed a characteristic reference to Popery, spreading in spite of the attacks of his pen and tongue; but all the

1 In Bacon's previous letter (Spedding, iv. 372, quoted above, p. 197) he admitted he could only " partly think" this true-"I could wish it were given out that there are means found in his Majesty's estate to help himself (which I partly think is true)"-but he now goes far beyond this moderation of statement. It is difficult to see the object of an exaggeration which could deceive no one.

* So here and in some other places, where we should expect statuas (statua's) or statuae. Compare Spedding, iii. 249, “Statuaes and Pictures are dumb histories."

wheedling, coaxing element in Bacon's Memorial appears to have been retained in the King's speech; all the vague offers of graces and favours that were intended as bargains; as well as the protests that he did not intend to bargain. With what result upon the minds of his hearers may be gathered from the following letter of Chamberlain :

"On Saturday, in the afternoon, the King made a speech to the whole assembly in the Great Banqueting Chamber, wherein he laid out his wants, and descended as it were to entreating to be relieved, and that they would show their good affection towards him in such sort that this Parliament might be called 'the Parliament of Love.' In which kind, to begin and train them by the way, he offered them certain graces and favours, not in the way of merchandising (which course he will not allow nor cannot abide to hear of) but of mere good will and motu proprio.”

The distrust of the King nearly caused Bacon's exclusion from the House. He had been returned by three constituencies -St. Albans, Ipswich, and Cambridge University—but his eligibility was disputed on the ground of his legal office. The last Attorney-General, after some opposition, had been allowed to retain his seat by connivance; but he had been elected before being appointed Attorney, whereas Bacon was Attorney when elected. There were ample precedents for the election of King's Serjeants or King's Solicitors, but none (as it happened) for the election of the King's Attorney; and therefore, as to this office, a precedent was now to be made, and some would have excluded him from the House. It was finally decided that no AttorneyGeneral should hereafter sit in the House. But it was urged on the other side that, for the convenience of passing the Bills of Grace drawn by the King's Counsel, Bacon's presence was specially expedient. So, after being sequestered from the House for three days, he was allowed to take his seat (12 April) for the present Parliament only. It is not likely that this resolution of the Commons caused the steadily-rising Attorney-General much alarm at the prospect of future exclusion from the House: he probably anticipated that the next Parliament would find him in the House of Lords.