time, even good and wise men. But this excitement, and with it its delusions, have passed, or are passing, away. In silence I have borne and forborne, in the confidence that when time and reflection had dispelled their passion, even those men who have most misjudged and wronged me would feel a deep regret for their course of injustice towards me. I am not indifferent to public opinion. I could wish to make my conduct agreeable to all. It would grieve me to lose the good opinion of any good man. I have done nothing to forfeit the regard of any such man; and such, I trust, will be the judgment of all the dispassionate and candid when my conduct shall be fairly and justly considered. For myself, I am satisfied that what I have done is right, and I can make no apologies for it. I should be insincere and dishonest if I did. Begging you, gentlemen, to excuse me for having availed myself of the occasion which your letter afforded me, and this tedious communication, I remain, respectfully and gratefully yours, CHAPTER V. 1854-1855. Letters-Moses Grinnell-Archibald Dixon-Reply of Mr. Crittenden-Crittenden to Presley Ewing-Tom Corwin-R. J. Ward-General Scott-Crittenden to his Wife-Crittenden to L. Hunton-R. C. Winthrop to J. J. Crittenden -J. J. Crittenden to R. J. Ward. MY (Moses Grinnell to J. J. Crittenden.) NEW YORK, February 22, 1854. Y DEAR SIR,-I was delighted this morning on taking up the Enquirer to see that you have taken a bold stand on the right side in reference to the Nebraska bill. You know that I am no abolitionist; but I do think this scheme of Douglas the most villainous one ever presented to Congress. In my opinion any man who votes for the bill will be politically used up at the North. I rejoice (and I have heard the same sentiment from many others to-day) that you adhere to the same principles so long sustained by Clay and Webster. The great American public will sustain you in the support of principles so sound and just. Excuse the liberty I have taken in saying this. It is just what I feel, and I am like ninety in a hundred on this subject in this community. Hon. J. J. CRITTENDEN. Yours truly, M. H. GRINNELL. (Hon. Archibald Dixon to J. J. Crittenden.) WASHINGTON, February 7, 1854. DEAR SIR,-The bill to organize the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas, with a provision to repeal the Missouri Compromise act, will pass the Senate by a very large majority. Every Whig senator, I believe, from the slaveholding States will vote for it, and from all I can learn it will receive the unanimous vote of all the Whigs from the slave States in the other branch of Congress, and will doubtless become a law. There is a feeling here among the Whigs to run you for the Presidency. In this desire I fully participate, and write this to beg you, in the speech you make on the 16th, not to commit yourself particularly on this question. I do not wish you to embarrass yourself either North or South. Believe me your friend, ARCHIBALD DIXON. ( 101 ) (J. J. Crittenden to Archibald Dixon.) FRANKFORT, March 7, 1854. MY DEAR SIR,-I am much obliged by your letter of 7th of February, and thank you for the information and kind suggestions it contains. I fully appreciate the frank and friendly spirit in which it was written. You tell me there is a feeling among the Whigs at Washington "to run me for the Presidency, and that you fully participate in that feeling." I am grateful and proud to be held in such estimation by my friends; but I beg you to be assured that I entertain no expectation and no aspiration to become a candidate for the Presidency. No ambition for that high office troubles me. In the speech which I made on the 16th of last month I did not allude to the Nebraska bill. The festive occasion-a public dinner-on which it was made did not require me to speak on that subject. Besides, I had no inclination to make any public parade of my opinions, as though they were of consequence. On the other hand, I had no motive or wish to conceal them. I have not, therefore, hesitated here, in private circles, when it happened to become the subject of conversation, to express my views without reserve. I stated these views to the Hon. Presley Ewing, now at Washington, in a telegraphic reply to an inquiry which he had addressed to me from that place a few days ago. I will now, with the same readiness and frankness, state them briefly to you, without prolonging this letter by explanations and arguments. Considering the question as an open one, it seems to me clear that Congress ought to leave it to the people of the Territories, preparing to enter the Union as States, to form their constitutions in respect to slavery as they may please, and ought to admit them into the Union whether they have admitted or excluded slavery; but that question, it seems to me, can scarcely be considered as an open one. The country has long rested in the belief that it is settled by the Missouri Compromise, so far as it respects all the territory embraced by it, and of which Nebraska and Kansas are parts. I hope, however, that the North may consent to yield that compromise, and concur in substituting the principle of the Nebraska bill for the rule fixed by the Missouri Compromise. But without such a concurrence of Northern representatives as would fairly manifest the assent of the North to such substitution, I do not think the South ought to disregard or urge the repeal of that compromise to which she was a party. The Missouri Compromise has long been considered as a sort of landmark in our political progress. It does not appear to me that it has ever been superseded or abrogated; and I think it is to be apprehended that its repeal, without sincere concurrence of the North, will be productive of serious agitations and disturbances. That concurrence will relieve the subject from difficulty, as the parties to compromise have an undoubted right to set it aside at their pleasure. By such a course it seems to me the North would lose nothing, and would but afford another evidence of her wisdom and her patriotism. This, however, is a subject for her own consideration. The great interest of the country requires that we should avoid, as far as possible, all agitation of the slavery question. To use the language of Mr. Jefferson, "it sounds like a firebell at midnight." I am now, as I always have been, disposed to abide and stand by any past or future compromise or settlement of that question, provided it be only tolerably just and equal, not dishonorable, rather than to hazard the mischiefs of continued and corroding agitation. For these reasons I was content with the present compromises and regretted their disturbance. For the same reason I would maintain, for the sake of quiet, any different compromise or settlement that may be now or hereafter made, if not dishonorable or grossly unfair. This course, it seems to me, is demanded no less by the interest of the slaveholding States than for the tranquillity of the Union and its safety. I have thus, sir, endeavored to give you an imperfect sketch of my views on the subject of the Nebraska bill. It will enable you to discover by comparison how far I differ in opinion with you and our other friends in Washington. Whatever these differences may be, they shall on my part be only differences of opinion. They will never disturb my general relations, personal or political, to you or to them. I will only add, sir, that if the Nebraska bill, with its repeal of the "Missouri Compromise," shall pass, my hope and wish is that it may prove by its consequences the correctness of your views, and its results may be as beneficial to the country as your purposes and intentions, I am sure, have been upright and patriotic. Hon. ARCHIBALD DIXON. I am your friend, J. J. CRITTENDEN. (J. J. Crittenden to Presley Ewing.) FRANKFORT, March 6, 1854. In reply to telegraph, I am clear that Congress ought to leave it to the States preparing for admission into the Union to form their constitutions in respect to slavery as they please. Hope the North may concur in substituting this principle for the rule fixed by the Missouri Compromise. But without such numerical concurrence of Northern representatives as would fairly indicate the assent of the North to such substitution, I don't think the South ought to disregard that compromise, to which it was a party. Hon. PRESLEY EWING, Washington City. J. J. CRITTENDEN. (Hon. Tom Corwin to J. J. Crittenden.) LEBANON, March 10, 1854. I DEAR SIR, I received a letter a few days since from Mr. Hodge, of Washington City, in which he requested me to address you on the subject of politics. I thought this absurd, but nevertheless I am about to comply. I know nothing about politics as they now exist. I do not even understand the present position of those with whom I had for twenty years been intimately associated in public life. Do you? Do you really know your own status in regard to some dogmas recently put forward as tests of political orthodoxy? Indeed, this last is all I am requested by Mr. Hodge to ascertain. He, Hodge, insists (and says that he has so written to you) that the next President must of necessity be some Southern man who opposes the expressed or implied repeal of the Missouri Compromise. You have been gazetted as opposed to Douglas's Nebraska bill. have no right to suppose this to be upon your authority, but had rather inferred from my knowledge of your general opinions on such subjects that you would choose to consider the compromise of 1850 as final and as not having affected in any way the act admitting Missouri into the Union. I have not examined the subject, and therefore do not pretend to any opinion which ought to regulate my own judgment, and I do not intend to examine it or think ten minutes about it. I only wish to say that I should think, if the people of the North do really care about this matter, that any man in your position who might agree with them would be very likely to be their choice for the office of President. You will not infer, my dear sir, from what I have here written that I intend to insult your judgment or sensibilities by the supposition that you desire to be a candidate for that once dignified and really important station. I could not advise any friend whom I love and respect to take such a position, even if he were certain he would succeed without the usual struggle, committals, etc. But other and better men differ with me on this subject, and you know that many— very many-desire you to allow yourself to be made President of this model republic. I should rejoice to see it. For this reason alone I have complied with the request of Hodge to |