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off the whole of Assam; and I feel convinced, from my different journeys over the country, that but a very small portion of the localities are as yet known."

swelling in the legs. Mr. Bruce is of opinion that pruning and transplanting will tend to reduce the too luxurious growth of the Assam plant.

He then proceeds to give some account of the various "tea tracts," as they are called, which he has discovered in various of the manufacture of the various kinds of black tea, but we shall We cannot follow Mr. Bruce through his very interesting detail journeys. These he describes as occurring very frequently. "I transcribe the whole of the process of preparing green tea, more feel convinced," says he, "the whole country is full of tea." After especially as it is accompanied by a suggestion, which we conalluding to the difficulties he had had to contend with, from the sider of very great importance. We must also admit the following want of a sufficient number of instructed and efficient labourers, remarks on the tea plant.

he thus continues :

"If I were asked, when will this tea experiment be in a sufficient state of forwardness so as to be transferable to speculators? I would answer, when a sufficient number of native tea manufacturers have been taught to prepare both the black and the green sort; and that, under one hundred available tea manufacturers, it would not be worth while for private speculators to take up the scheme on a large scale; on a small one it would be a different thing. In the course of two or three years, we ought to have that number. Labourers must be introduced, in the first instance, to give a tone to the Assam opium-eaters; but the great fear is, that these latter would corrupt the new-comers. If the cultivation of tea were encouraged, and the poppy put a stop to, in Assam, the Assamese would make a splendid set of tea manufacturers and tea cultivators.

"In giving a statement of the number of tea tracts, when I say that Tingri, or any tract, is so long and so broad, it must be understood that space to that extent only has been cleared, being found to contain all the plants which grew thickly together, as it was not thought worth while, at the commencement of these experiments, to go to the expense of clearing any more of the forest for the sake of a few straggling plants. If these straggling plants were followed up, they would in all probability be found gradually becoming mere numerons, until you found yourself in another tract as thick and as numerous as the one you left; and if the straggling plants of this new tract were traced, they would by degrees disappear until not one was to be seen. But if you only proceeded on through the jungles, it is ten to one that you would come upon a solitary tea plant; a little further on you would meet with another; until you gradually found yourself in another new tract, as full of plants as the one you had left, growing absolutely so thick as to impede each other's growth. Thus I am convinced one might go on for miles from one tract into another. All my tea tracts about Tingri and Kahung are formed in this manner, with only a patch of jungle between them, which is not greater than what could be conveniently filled up by thinning those parts that have too many plants. At Kahung I have lately knocked three tracts into one, and I shall most probably have to continue doing the same until one tract shall have been made of what now consists of a dozen. I have never seen the end of Juggundoo's tea tract, nor yet Kujudoo's or Ningrew's; I feel confident that the two former run over the hills and join, or nearly join, some of our tracts in the Muttuck country. Nor have I seen the end of Kahung tract, all about that part of the country being one vast succession of tea from Rungagura on the Debrew to Jaipore on the Buri Dehing."

numerous, it would be as well to make a clean sweep of the whole, by
"In clearing a new tea tract, if the jungle trees are very large and
cutting them and the tea-plants all down together: for it would
be impossible to get rid of so much wood without the help of fire.
The tea plants, if allowed to remain, would be of little use after
they had been crushed and broken by the fall of the large trees and
dried up by the fire; but admitting that they could escape all this,
the leaves of trees from twelve to twenty feet high could not be
reached, and if they could, they would be almost useless for tea
manufacture, as it is the young leaves from young trees, that pro-
duce the best teas. But if all were cut down and set fire to, we
should have a fine clear tract at once, at the least expense, and
might expect to have a pretty good crop of tea one year after
the cutting, or, at farthest, the second year; for it is astonishing
And we gain by this process; for from every old stock or stump
with what vigour the plant shoots up after the fire has been applied.
the place of a single plant you have now a fine tea bush. I think
cut down, ten to twelve more vigorous shoots spring up, so that in
from what I have seen of these plants, that if cut down every third
year they would yield far superior teas.
this opinion, the green-tea Chinamen have told me that they cut
Neither am I singular in
down their plants every ninth year, which may be reckoned equiva-
lent to our third year, taking into consideration the size of our trees
and the richness of our soil. Our trees or plants are certainly more
than four or five times the size of theirs, and must consequently
yield so many times more produce; theirs is the dwarf, ours the
giant tea. The size of the leaf matters nothing, in my opinion,
provided it is young and tender; even their diminutive leaf, if one
day too old, is good for nothing.

I will try to give some account of this most interesting process. "As the green-tea Chinamen have just commenced operations, three pounds of the fresh leaves, immediately they are brought in, All leaves up to the souchong are taken for the green-tea. About abundance have been brought in, and we have not been able to are cast into a hot pan (sometimes they are kept over night, when work all up); they are then rolled and tossed about in the pan until they become too hot for the hand. Two slips of bamboo, each about a foot long, split at one end, so as to form six prongs, are now used to tumble and toss the leaves about, by running the sticks down the sides of the pan, and turning the leaves up, first ble; which keeps the leaves rolling about in the pan without being with the right hand, then with the left, and this as fast as possiburnt: this lasts about three minutes; the leaves will then admit of being rolled and pressed without breaking. They are now taken from the pan and rolled in dollahs, much the same as the black tea, for about three minutes, in which process a great part of the Mr. Bruce declares himself unable to give a decided opinion as juice is extracted, if they be fresh leaves; but if they have been to the superiority of high or low land for the cultivation of tea, kept over night, very little juice can be expressed from them in all the tracts which he has worked lying on the plains; "but," the morning, on account of its having evaporated. The Chinamen he continues, "with my limited experience, I should say that the say this does not matter, as it makes no difference in the tea. low land, such as at Kahung, which is not so low as ever to be round and pressed again and again, until they have taken the shape The leaves are then pressed hard between both hands, and turned inundated by the strongest rise in the river, is the best. The of a small pyramid. They are now placed in bamboo-baskets or plants seem to love and court moisture, not from stagnant pools, dollahs with a narrow edge, and the dollahs on bamboo-framework, but running streams. The Kahung tracts have the water in and where they are exposed to the sun for two or three minutes, after around them; they are all in heavy tree jungles." Great diffi- which the pyramids of tea are gently opened and thinly spread on culty has been found in getting labourers for plucking the leaves. the dollahs to dry. When the tea has become a little dry (which The Assamese are an effeminate people, degraded by opium-eating, rolled, and then placed in the sun as before; this is done three will be the case in five or ten minutes, if the sun be hot), it is again and their work is but poorly performed; women might be advan- successive times. But should the weather be rainy, and there is tageously employed, but the natives will not permit them to enter no hope of its clearing, all this drying is done over the fire in a the tea-gardens. Some skill is required in the selection of the small drying basket, the same as with black tea. proper leaves, but it is seldom that the same set of labourers makers have as great an aversion to drying their tea over the fire The green-tea return the second season, and consequently, the work of instruction as the black-tea makers. The third time it has been rolled and must be continually repeated. The height of the Assam plants into a hot pan, and gently turned over and over, and opened dried, there is very little moisture left in the tea; it is now put also makes the gathering more fatiguing than in China, where the plants are low and the leaves are gathered "squatting down," while tossed out into a basket, and while hot, put into a very strong out occasionally, until all has become well heated: it is then in Assam a standing position is required, which often brings on | bag, previously prepared for it, about four feet long, and four spans

in circumference. Into this bag the tea is pressed with great force, with the hands and feet; from fourteen to twenty pounds being put in at one time, and forced into as small a compass as possible. With his left hand the man firmly closes the mouth of the bag immediately above the leaves, while with the right hand he pommels and beats the bag, every now and then giving it a turn: thus he beats and turns and works at it, tightening it by every turn with one hand, and holding on with the other, until he has squeezed the leaves into as small a compass as possible at the end of the bag. He now makes it fast by turns of the cloth where he held on, so that it may not open: and then draws the cloth of the bag over the ball of leaves; thus doubling the bag, the mouth of which is twisted and made fast. The man then stands up, holding on by a post or some such thing, and works this ball of leaves under his feet, at the same time alternately pressing with all his weight, first with one foot and then the other, turning the ball over and over, and occasionally opening the bag to tighten it more firmly. When he has made it almost as hard as a stone, he secures the mouth well, and puts the bag away for that day. Next morning it is opened out, and the leaves gently separated and placed on dollahs; then fired and dried until they are crisp, the same as the black tea; after which they are packed in boxes or baskets. In China the baskets are made of double bamboo, with leaves between. The tea may then remain on the spot for two or three months, or be sent to any other place to receive the final process. This first part of the green-tea process is so simple, that the natives of this country readily pick it up in a month or two.

"The second process now commences, by opening the boxes or baskets, and exposing the tea on large shallow bamboo baskets, or dollabs, until it has become soft enough to roll; it is then put into cast-iron paus, set in brick fire-places, the same as described in making the Sychee black tea. The pan is made very hot by a wood fire, and seven pounds of the leaves are thrown into it and rubbed against the pan, with the right hand, until tired, and then with the left, so as not to make the process fatiguing. The pan being placed on an inclined plane, the leaves always come tumbling back towards and near the operator, as he pushes them up from him, moving his hand backwards and forwards, and pressing on the leaves with some force with the palms, keeping the ends of the fingers up, to prevent their coming in contact with the hot pan. After one hour's good rubbing, the leaves are taken out, and thrown into a large coarse bamboo sieve, from this into a finer one, and again a still finer one, until three sorts of tea have been separated. The first, or larger sort, is put into the funnel of the winnowing-machine, which has three divisions of small traps below, to let the tea out. A man turns the wheel with his right hand, and with the left regulates the quantity of tea that shall fall through the wooden funnel above, by a wooden slide at the bottom of it. The tea being thrown from the sieves into the funnel, the man turns the crank of the wheel, and moves the slide of the funnel gradually, so as to let the tea fall through gently, and in small quantities. The blast from the fan blows the smaller particles of tea to the end of the machine, where it is intercepted by a circular moveable board placed there. The dust and smaller particles are blown against this board, and fall out in an opening at the bottom into a basket placed there to receive it. The next highest tea is blown nearly to the end of the machine, and falls down through a trough or the side into a basket; this tea is called Young Hyson. The next, being a little heavier, is not blown quite so far; it falls through the same trough, which has a division in the middle; this of course i nearer the centre of the machine. A basket is placed beneath to receive the tea, which is called Hyson. The next, which is till heavier, falls very near to the end of the fan; this is called Gunpowder tea; it is in small balls. The heaviest tea falls still closer to the fan, and is called Big Gunpowder; it is twice or three times the size of gunpowder tea, and composed of several young leaves that adhere firmly together. This sort is afterwards put into a box and cut with a sharp iron instrument, then sifted and put among the gunpowder, which it now resembles. The different sorts of tea are now put into shallow bamboo-baskets, and men, women, and children are employed to pick out the sticks and bad leaves: this is a most tedious process, as the greatest care is taken not to leave the slightest particle of anything but good tea. But to assist and quicken this tiresome process, beautiful bamboo-sieves, very little inferior to our wire ones, and of various sizes, are employed. The different teas are thrown into sieves of different sizes, from large gunpowder to dust tea; they are shaken and tossed, and thrown from one person to an

other in quick succession, making the scene very animating; in this way a great portion of the stalks are got rid of. After the tea has been well sifted and picked, it is again put into the hot pans and rubbed and rolled as before, for about one hour; it is then put into shallow bamboo-baskets, and once more examined, to separate the different tea that may still remain intermixed, and again put into the hot pan. Now a mixture of sulphate of lime and indigo, very finely pulverised, and sifted through fine muslin, in the proportion of three of the former to one of the latter, is added; to a pan of tea containing about seven pounds, about half a tea-spoonful of this mixture is put in and rubbed and rolled along with the tea in the pan for about one hour, as before described. The tea is then taken hot from the pan and packed firmly in boxes, both hands and feet being used to press it down. The above mixture is not put to the tea to improve its flavour, but merely to give it a uniform colour and appearance, as without it some of the tea would be light and some dark. The indigo gives it the colour, and the sulphate of lime fixes it. The Chinese call the former Youngtin, the latter Acco. Large gunpowder tea they call Tychen; little gunpowder, Cheocheu; hyson, Chingcha; young hyson, Uchin; skin-tea, or old leaves in small bits, Poocha; the fine dust, or powder-tea, Chamoot.

"The black-tea makers appear to me to be very arbitrary in their mode of manufacture; sometimes they will take the leaves of the Thowung-Paho, or perhaps Twazze-Paho; but if it has been raining, or there is any want of coolies to pluck the leaves quickly, or from any other cause, they will let the leaves grow a few days longer, and turn all into Souchong; which, it must be remem bered, takes all the small leaves above it. If it is the first crop, the Souchong and Pouchong leaves may be all turned into Souchong tea; but even if it is the second crop, when the Pouchong leaves ought not to be gathered, they are nevertheless plucked and mixed up with the Souchong leaves. Almost all our black and all the green teas have just been made from one garden. When the greentea makers complained that the leaves were beginning to get too large for them-that is, they were fast growing out of Souchong and running into Pouchong-the black-tea makers took up the manufacture, plucked off all the leaves, and made excellent Pouchong; so that between the two, there is not a leaf lost. When the blacktea makers have a garden to themselves, they are cruel pluckers, for they almost strip the tree of leaves for the Souchong, and are not at all nice in the plucking; the third and even the fourth leaf on a tender twig is nipped off in the twinkling of an eye; they then look about for more young leaves, and away go the Pouchong and Toychong too, which is the largest leaf of all. But the greentea men pluck quietly, one by one, down to Souchong. The blacktea men separate all their teas into first, second, third, and fourth crops: but the green-tea manufacturers make no distinction; they prepare all the tea they can, throughout the season, box or basket it up, and when the season is over, they set off for Canton with their produce; at least, all those who do not wish to sell their teas on the spot the different merchants go in quest of it there. It now indiscriminately undergoes the second process; that is, the different crops are all mixed up together. No old leaves can be mixed in the green, as in the black teas: for the long rolling in the pan crushes them, and the fan blows them away, so that only the young leaves are left.

:

"In speaking of the trouble and expense attending the second process of the green-tea making, I beg to observe that it appears to me, from what little I have seen of it, that machinery might easily be brought to bear; and as Assam is about to become a great tea country, it behoves us to look to this. The tea halfmade, as above described, I am informed by the green-tea Chinamen now with me, is put either into boxes or baskets, with bamboo leaves between; it has to make in this state a long journey by land and water, and then to go one or more months in a boat by sea, before it reaches Canton, where it is laid aside for one or two months more, before undergoes the second process; making in all about five months from the time it was prepared. All that is required is to keep it dry. Now if all this be true, which I have no doubt it is, I see no reason why we could not send it to England, and have it made up there; I rather see everything in favour of such a plan, and nothing against it. After a year's instruction under Chinamen, it might be left to the ingenuity of Englishmen to roll, sift, and clean the tea by machinery, and, in fact, reduce the price of the green tea nearly one half, and thus enable the poor to drink good unadulterated green tea, by throwing the indigo and sulphate of lime overboard. At all events, the experiment is worthy of a fair trial, and the first step towards it would be to ma

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"Muttuck is a country that abounds in tea, and it might be made one extensive, beautiful tea-garden. We have many cultivated experimental tracts in it; we know of numerous extensive uncultivated tracts, and it appears to me that we are only in the infancy of our discoveries as yet. Our tea, however, is insecure here. It was but a month or two ago, that so great an alarm was created, that my people had to retire from our tea-gardens and manufacture at Deenjoy and Chubwa, which will account for the deficiency of this year's crop. Things must continue in this state until the government of the country is finally settled; for we are at present obliged, in order to follow a peaceful occupation, to have the means of defending ourselves from a sudden attack, ever since the unfortunate affair at Sudiya. Before the transfer of the tea tracts in this country can be made, it will be necessary, in justice to all parties, to know if Muttuck is, or is to become, ours or not. The natives at present are permitted to cultivate as much land as they please, on paying a poll-tax of two rupees per year; so that if the country is not ours, every man employed on the tea will be subject to be called on for two rupees per annum, to be paid to the old Bura Senaputy's son, as governor of the country. This point is of vital importance to our tea prospects up here. Many individuals might be induced to take tea-grounds, were they sure that the soil was ours, and that they would be protected and permitted to cultivate it in security.

"In looking forward to the advantages which this plant will produce to England, to India-to millions, I cannot but thank God for so great a blessing to our country. When I first discovered it, some fourteen years ago, I little thought that I should have been spared long enough to see it more likely eventually to rival that of China, and that I should have to take a prominent part in bringing it to so successful an issue. Should what I have written on this new and interesting subject be of any benefit to the country and the community at large, and help a little to impel the tea forward, to enrich our own dominions, and pull down the haughty pride of China, I shall feel myself richly repaid for all the perils and dangers and fatigues that I have undergone in the cause of British India tea."

RECOLLECTIONS OF LOUIS-PHILIPPE, KING
OF THE FRENCH.

THE title of Duke of Orleans, after having been borne by different princes of the blood-royal of France, having lapsed, from failure of issue, was revived in favour of the only brother of Louis XIV., "Philippe de France," from whom the present French monarch is lineally descended. The son of this Philippe de France was the celebrated, clever, and infamous "Regent Orleans," who governed France during the minority of Louis XV.; and his grandson was the also celebrated "Egalité," father of the present French king.

The character of " Egalité" has been much canvassed, but he is in general represented as a dissolute, heartless, intriguing scoundrel, who richly deserved his fate. The Duke of Orleans assumed the name, or nickname, of "Egalité" (equality), to conciliate the French republicans; he voted for the death of his cousin, Louis XVI.; and, ten months after the execution of Louis, he perished himself, on the same spot, and by a similar death. The mob of Paris, with whom he had eagerly sought to be a favourite, reviled him as he was dragged to execution; and the vehicle which conveyed him was stopped for some time opposite to his magnificent palace (now well known as the "Palais Royal"), in the Rue St. Honoré, for the purpose of making him feel the "bitterness of death." He was executed on the 14th of November, 1793, on the Place Louis XV.* Louis-Philippe has attempted, with filial partiality, to rescue his father's reputation. "Mon père," he said lately, "a été le dupe de scélérats; il était, au fond, un honnête homme." My father become the prey of scoundrels; he was, at bottom, an honest man.' Be this as it may, there are many who think that the fine silver thread of finesse, which runs through the nobler qualities of Louis-Philippe's mind, has been derived from the mysterious influence of blood.

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Louis-Philippe d'Orléans, now king of the French, was born at Paris, in the Palais Royal, on the 6th of October, 1773. In childhood, the title given him was Duke de Valois; for his grandfather, son of the Regent Orleans, still lived, and his father then bore the title of Duke de Chartres. The latter had two other sons, who bore the titles, respectively, of Dukes of Montpensier and Beaujolais; also a daughter, Mademoiselle Adélaïde d'Orléans, who still survives, a maiden lady of uncommon attainments and sagacity, and understood to be much in her brother's confidence. The famous Countess de Genlis was appointed preceptress of the children of the Duke de Chartres. The first anxiety of this celebrated woman was, that her pupils should become proficient in all manly exercises, filling up their leisure with the elegant literaTo familiture she was so capable of imbuing their minds with. arise them early with modern languages, Madame de Genlis would allow no language but English to be spoken at the dinner-table, at supper Italian, and their botanical instructor was a German, who knew only his native tongue. Even yet, Louis-Philippe speaks these three languages fluently, and without the slightest foreign accent; he is also tolerably versed in several others. To give their opening minds a taste for the practically useful, this lady often took her pupils to the workshops and manufactories of the capital, and caused them to see and inquire into everything for themselves. Knowledge thus early implanted, the sequel has proved, was well stored up by the sole survivor of these princes, (for the other two did not reach manhood,) and no doubt was the foundation of the commercial knowledge manifested on many recent occasions by the French king. But of all sciences, the one which attracted the attention of Louis-Philippe was that of medicine. He regularly accompanied the medical men in their visits to the patients at the Hôtel Dieu, and frequently assisted at the operations there.

While yet a stripling, as he showed an aptitude for observation, he was sent, as a relaxation from his severer studies, to make the tour of France. One incident has been preserved of his travels. Paying a visit to the state-prison in the fortress of Mont Saint Michel, he found there a cage of iron, constructed by order of Louis XIV. for the reception of the victims of his despotism this cage had lived many years, till relieved by death, an unlucky Dutch journalist, who had written some articles disrespectfu! to

In

* On this fatal spot, close to a monstrous plaster statue of a newly-erected goddess of Liberty, were sacrificed, between January 21, 1793, and May 3, 1795, two thousand eight hundred and sixty victims, of both sexes and every age. Well might the eloquent Madame Roland exclaim, when led to her own fate, "O Liberty, much-abused goddess! what horrors are done in thy sacred name!"

the "Grand Monarque." Disgusted at the sight, Louis-Philippe armed himself and his young companions with hatchets, and demolished it. Although such an instrument of cruel despotism was not likely to be used in the milder times of Louis XVI., still this outbreak of generous youthful enthusiasm was offensive at court; and, as a mark of its displeasure, the decoration of the cordon bleu, about to have been bestowed on the young prince, was denied him for a year by special order of the king.

He had attained the age of sixteen when the Revolution broke out. His natural penetration made him foresee that a reformation of prevalent abuses was as inevitable as it would be just; but, in the very beginning, he showed an utter aversion to all precipitate changes from the bloody excesses that afterwards ensued, he recoiled with horror. Even at that early age, he was the fervent apostle of moderation; and great coolness often ensued between him and his father, on account of the son's want of republican enthusiasm.

The young prince-now become, by his grandfather's death, Duke de Chartres-was appointed colonel of dragoons, and set out for the army. His first destination was to join the troops in garrison at Vendôme. Scarcely had he arrived there when he had an opportunity of signalising his humanity, by saving the lives of two nonjuring priests, whom the jacobins had barbarously beset in the streets of that place. This he did by persuasion only, not having a single attendant. A few days after, while bathing in the river Loir, seeing a poor man miss his footing on the quay, he swam to his assistance, and rescued him he was the father of five children. For this last action the authorities of Vendôme awarded him a civic crown, which is still preserved at the Tuileries.

In 1792, the Duke de Chartres was appointed maréchal de camp -a title involving the duties of a second in command-in the Army of the North, then commanded by Marshal Luckner. After the taking of Courtray, the result of a sanguinary assault, in which Louis-Philippe distinguished himself, he was raised to the rank of lieutenant-general. Being offered the command of Strasbourg, an important fortress, he refused it, alleging his inexperience, but probably dreading the envy his acceptance of such a post (usually bestowed upon veterans, after long services) would draw upon him. He also foresaw the near approach of stirring action in the field, which suited his active temper best, and gave him more frequent occasions of seeking military fame. The two battles of Valmy and Jemmapes soon followed; the former on the 20th of September, the latter on the 6th of November, 1792. They were the two greatest victories in the early revolutionary annals; Marshal Kellerman afterwards owed his ducal title to the first of these brilliant days.

The following extract from the despatch of Kellerman, (published in the" Moniteur,") announcing the victory to the minister at war, will show his strong sense of the merit of the future king of the French :

"From the head-quarters at Dampierre-sur-Aube, 21st Sept. 1792, nine P.M.-Embarrassed where to choose in the numerous examples of valour and conduct that I should have to report, I confine myself to the mention of the brothers de Chartres and Montpensier, whose extreme youth rendered their steady courage, amid the most terrible fire it has ever been my lot to witness, altogether remarkable.' The Austrians and Prussians here sustained a total defeat.

At Jemmapes, where Dumouriez commanded, one wing of the French army was broken by the Austrians, and would have been utterly routed, but for the chivalrous conduct of the duke, who led the fugitives back to their standards, and secured the victory. Some brilliant affairs, of less note, followed, in all which he added to his laurels.

the French through the imprudence of General Valence. In this attack, the horse that bore him was shot dead.

But all his services were vain: it was a time when to be eminent in any quality, military or civil, was a crime. At a moment when they least expected it, Dumouriez and the duke were commanded to delegate their functions to certain deputies of the Convention, sent on purpose; also to repair to Paris immediately, and give an account of their conduct to "the committee of public safety." They knew that to obey this order, though unconscious of having deserved ill of their country, was to go to meet certain death. They were forced to fly; but Dumouriez meantime took the new functionaries prisoners, and carried them with him across the frontier.

As soon as the allies ascertained that the young duke had quitted the service of France, the brilliant reputation he had acquired led them to offer him any rank he chose to accept under their colours; but he steadily refused all their offers. But this honourable refusal exposed him to calumny and persecution from the adverse faction, the French émigrés, who accused him of "patriotism," a term which with them meant everything that was bad. Thus early did he, from adopting the juste milieu, the reasonable medium, which has ever been to him a pole-star in guiding his course, expose himself to the animadversions of extreme parties, which continue to beset him up to the hour at which we write. Proscribed by the republicans-hated and shunned by the royalists-frowned upon by foreign princes, and nearly destitute of money, having never made or thought of a provision for such a contingency, the heir of the richest family in Europe had soon to cast about for the means of gaining needful bread. Hiding under an assumed designation the name that had descended to him from a long line of princes, he applied for and obtained a professorship in the college of Reichemont, in Switzerland. There he taught, during a year, geography, mathematics, and the French and English languages.

On leaving Switzerland, the young prince made a tour of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. He went as far as Lapland, and repassed into Sweden by way of Finland. Russia he did not visit, as the Empress Catherine was too much astounded at the enormities of the French revolutionists, to receive favourably one who had fought in their armies. At Stockholm, being recognised on his return by an ambassador, his presence was made known to the king, who sent for him to court, and treated him with the greatest distinction. This event being noised abroad, the elder Bourbon princes sent him pressing offers to take rank in the invading army of emigrants, to be commanded by the Duke de Condé he returned a flat refusal. Napoleon did him this justice, in speaking of him at St. Helena-"No: Orleans, at least, has never borne arms against France." The Directory, nevertheless, not knowing his firm determination on this point, made an offer to him of the liberty of his two brothers, then prisoners in France, if he would retire to the United States. He consented to do this; repaired to Hamburgh, embarked there, and had soon the pleasure of meeting his brothers at Philadelphia.

The three young men visited most of the States, observing the manners of the people, and witnessing the operation of their constitution and laws. They even penetrated into the back settlements, and lived for a short time among the Indians. One day, Louis-Philippe being fatigued and feverish, after a long journey with the Indians, fearing the approach of a serious illness, and being far from medical succour, took out his lancet-case, and bled himself in their presence. Seeing that the operator looked all the better for what he had done to himself, they brought him an old man, suffering under some inflammatory disease, and asked the prince to bleed him. He did so immediately, and with the happiest effect. For this service the Indians testified their gratitude in an odd way, but meant to do their benefactor the highest honour. They caused him to pass the night on a mat, between two aged squaws, the grand-mother and grand-aunt of their chief. The lancet which Louis-Philippe used on this occasion is still preserved, and shown in the museum of the Ecole de Médecine*.

During the stay of the young princes in America, their widowed

While Louis-Philippe was thus putting his life to hourly hazard for his country, a decree of the so-called National Convention was issued, to banish from the French territories for ever all the members of the house of Bourbon. An implied exception, indeed, had been made in the case of the Duke of Orleans, who as plain "Egalité" having renounced his hereditary birthright, was supposed to be a simple "citoyen." Louis-Philippe, on the first news of the intended blow at his family, flew to Paris, and did all he could to persuade his father to leave France with him, which he intended to do as soon as an official intimation of its necessity Leopold to Paris, a courier who accompanied him thither fell off his horse, should be forwarded The father delayed, hoping to secure an exception in favour of the junior Bourbon branch; in this he failed, and about a year after lost his life. Meantime the son returned to the army. On the 18th of March, the young duke, at the head of a division of the army of General Dumouriez, retook the strong post of Nervinde, in Flanders, which had been lost to

*So late as the 27th October, 1833, on occasion of the visit of his son-in-law

and was run over by one of the carriages. The accident was serious, and every one thought him dead. No medical aid was at hand, and the king, who had gone out in his carriage to meet the party, was advised of the difficulty. He immediately alighted, examined the man's body, and finding no bones fractured, bled him freely, and recovered him sufficiently to have him removed to the royal household, where he soon recovered, and is now in the royal service,

mother, who had escaped from France, was then living in Spain. They applied for permission to join her there, but could not obtain it; Louis-Philippe, however, was permitted to change the place of his exile to England. Arriving there, he found the Bourbon princes enjoying English hospitality, and also many emigrant noblemen, all burning with an ever-renewed desire to force their way back to their native country by plots and invasions. Again he had invitations made him to join in their projects, which he again, as before, firmly refused.

After some little stay in London, he ventured on a visit to Spain, in company with his sister Adelaide, who till then had taken refuge in Hungary, with the Princess de Conti, her aunt. This filial duty performed, he returned to England, and took up his residence at Twickenham. Shortly after his arrival, he lost his two brothers, who sank under the fatigues they had endured in the wandering life they had so long led. The younger (Beaujolais) lingered so long, that his physicians had hope that a removal to a more genial climate might save his life: with this view Sicily, the only part of southern Europe then open to him, was recommended. Thither Louis-Philippe, by permission of King Ferdinand IV., immediately repaired. Being invited to court, and treated with cordiality, then began the acquaintanceship, which soon ripened into love, between him and the Princess Amelia, now Queen of the French. Meantime, he had the mournful duty to perform of closing the eyes of his brother.

The marriage between Louis-Philippe and the princess-then in her twenty-seventh year-took place at Palermo, on the 25th November, 1809. Their son, the present Duke of Orleans, was born in the same city, September 3d, 1810.

Of the stay of Louis-Philippe and his family in England, we have little to say, not having any public events to record. It was passed principally in retirement. Louis-Philippe was with his family in Sicily, when, on the 23d April, 1814, the news arrived that Napoleon had abdicated, and that the Bourbons were restored. He set out for Paris immediately, with scarcely any attendants, and flew to the Palais-Royal, the never-forgotten scene of his earliest youth. In attaining the inner court of the dwelling of that palace, he fell down on his knees in gratitude, his hands joined, his face bathed in joyful tears. The concièrge (keeper), who knew him not, was astonished. The return of Bonaparte, in 1815, dispossessed him for a few months of this domicile of his ancestors. In leaving France, he did not join himself to the exiled family at Ghent, but came to England. On the second return of the Bourbons, he gave them great offence by his liberal opinions, too openly expressed. Amongst other oppositions, he remonstrated with all his might against the useless sacrifice of Marshal Ney. Being then in England, he also addressed himself to the Prince Regent on that hero's behalf, but all in vain.

At length, court-prejudice against him being somewhat abated, he returned definitively to his native country in 1817. Seeing that any participation on his part in politics would be viewed with a jealous eye, and serve no good end till the arrival of more auspicious times, he devoted himself entirely to the lettered leisure of a retired life. The château of Neuilly became a resort and retreat for men of letters, poets, artists, and scientific men. There they were always sure of elegant hospitality, and the distinction due to talents and virtue. Casimir Delavigne, deprived of his employments and pension by Louis XVIII., was received in the household of the duke. Not one of these friends of the prince but has remained faithful to the king. The capital of France had two courts held in it; the one where nobility of mind went for little or nothing, in the other it was everything.

Our readers are aware that Louis XVIII., the brother of Louis XVI., adopted his number in consequence of the title of Louis XVII. having been given to his nephew, a fine boy, who died from harsh treatment, in 1795, at the age of ten years. Louis XVIII. governed with considerable moderation, for a man who belonged to the old régime, and who was surrounded by prompters and advisers of the absolute school. But during his reign, and of his brother, Charles X., who succeeded him in 1824, the French were making a great advance; in fact, from 1815 to 1830, the principles of concentrated power and of diffused power were coming into active collision, and perpetually making aggressions on one another. Louis XVIII. had granted the French people a Charter; but in the outset it was assumed that this charter was accorded (octroyée) through the mere favour, grace, and pleasure of the monarch, and not because the liberties therein granted were the birthright of the people. The French liberals therefore contended that their Constitution was not one which depended on the will of

the nation-on the pleasure of men-but on the mere pleasure of a man; and that, as their liberties were liable to be taken from them by the power which gave them, they were virtually slaves. To provoke such feelings was a great mistake on the part of Louis XVIII. and his advisers. It set the MIND of the nation debating what it had really gained by the half-century of violence, revolution, despotism, and war, through which it had passed; and though the French had really gained much, and were enjoying much, of which their grandfathers could scarcely have dreamed, still the apparent insecurity of their privileges was galling, and the restless activity of the old absolute and priestly party made them really apprehensive. The two parties thus struggling may be described as composed of the following materials :-The abso lute and priestly party numbered in its ranks most of the emigrant nobility and their children, who longed to restore the old state of things, with all those ambitious men who hold as faith that the many are made for the few, along with not a few honest-minded but ignorant zealots, who imagined that ecclesiastical power should ride over all other power, and direct it as it pleased. The move ment party comprised men of all grades and characters; honest aspirants, such as those who long for the welfare of their fellow. men, and hold the faith of mental and moral progress; republicans, fired with admiration of some beau idéal of their own; profligates, impatient of control, and who wished for change, without much regard to means or end, along with old Bonapartists, and all who heartily hated the Bourbon race.

Charles X., who succeeded his brother Louis XVIII., may, in some respects, be compared to our own James II., who succeeded his brother Charles II. In each case there was a restoration; in each case two brothers in succession mounted the throne; and in each case the second brother, by openly going over to one of the parties that divided the country, roused the other party into activity, and brought about a revolution. From 1824 to 1830, the French movement party was exceedingly active, opposing the court, which now, without measure or concealment, abetted the absolute and priestly party. Charles X. and his ministers moved onwards in their aggressive career on the liberties of the nation. At last, in 1830, the court ventured on its revolution, which was defeated by the counter-revolution of the people: for it must not be forgotten that it was Charles X. and his ministers who began the revolution of 1830; they issued those famous ordonnances, by which, with a few strokes of the pen, the liberty of the press was cut down, and the electorial rights of the people all but swept away. The people of Paris cried out-No! and the sound of the Three Days of 1830 echoed throughout Europe, gave Belgium a king, and accelerated the passing of the English Reform Bill.

We have now arrived at the great event which forms an epoch in the history of the French nation, as well as in that of its present ruler. The vast majority of the French people, by general if not universal acclamation, called upon him to occupy a throne, become vacant by the revolution of 1830. Nothing could exceed the enthusiasm with which his new subjects hailed his acceptance of the proffered crown. Of this event we were ourselves eye-witnesses, the writer of this memoir having been long resident in Paris, before and since; he was, moreover, present at the assault of the palace of the Louvre, the crowning event of a sanguinary though short struggle. Oh! it was an anxious time, those terrible three days, for him—for all. And then, the cause being gained by the triumphant revolutionists, the all-important question still remained -What use were they about to make of their dearly-bought victory?-were they going to set up another monarchy, or erect a republic on the ruins of institutions which a few hours had sufficed to level to the dust?-or, the bands that knit society together being violently rent asunder, was wild anarchy, the immediate precursor of iron despotism, about to exert a terrible, however temporary, sway? Such were the anxious doubts that, during some of the most unquiet days of our existence, occupied men's minds. Suddenly the Duke of Orleans appeared! La Fayette presented him to the French as well skilled to take the abandoned helm, and guide the storm-vexed vessel of a mighty state into the needful calm of untroubled waters.

We were grateful to Louis-Philippe then, and we feel the sentiment still. Possibly, however desirous to be impartial narrators of events, we may have indicated a bias towards our subject, in these brief "recollections." We do not say, that we approve of the career of Louis-Philippe since he accepted the now tenfold uneasy honour of wearing a crown, or rather of being "King of the French." That a more straightforward policy might have retained much of that affectionate attachment which, between nine and ten years ago, hailed him, as the head of the people, we do not

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