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WHEN ivy twines around a tree,
While all without seems bright and green:
Which gives but blight, yet promised bloom.
Thou, whom the powerful Fates have hurl'd
But first take heed, and weigh with care,
Ere he thy love and favour share;
BOWRING'S Batavian Anthology.
It is well that there is no one without a fault, for he would not have a friend in the world; he would seem to belong to a different species.-Hazlitt.
EXAMPLE BEFORE PRECEPT.
It is commonly found that the general behaviour and conversation of parents produce a decidedly deeper impression on the minds of the young, than any formal instructions, however in themselves excellent. When children are addressed directly, their minds recoil, or at least their attention is apt to flag; but their own shrewd observations on what they see done or hear said by others, on the estimates which they perceive their parents to form of things and characters, and on the governing principles by which they judge their conduct to be regulated, sink deep into their memories, and, in fact, constitute by far the most effective part of education.-Bishop Wilson.
LADY JANE GREY.
We have received a number of interesting communications relative to MUTUAL INSTRUCTION SOCIETIES, and will be obliged by receiving more, as we propose making use of them.
Several of our correspondents have suggested subjects which require articles rather than answers, and which we will attend to as we can overtake them. The present Number contains more than one article originated by letters received. We also have to acknowledge a communication, and pamphlet, on "The Chronology of the Ancient World; a Lecture delivered at the Mechanics' Institution, Ipswich, by William Henry Alexander.-London. Harvey and Darton."
"TO THE EDITOR OF THE LONDON SATURDAY JOURNAL.
"Taking it for granted that you are interested in the welfare of Ireland, and also that you are inclined to make public the means whereby she has attained her present comparative prosperity, I beg leave to send you the following brief account of a 'naturalised' Irishman, who, by persevering assiduity, has gained for himself the gratitude of his countrymen.
"Carlo Bianconi, availing himself of the peace of Amiens to fly from the conscription which was so rigidly enforced in Italy by Bonaparte, came over from Milan to Dublin, when quite a youth, friendless and unprotected, to gain his bread in a foreign land. On his arrival in Ireland, he commenced his career as a seller of prints, when, perceiving how much time he lost in walking from town to town-there being no public conveyance cheap enough for those in moderate circumstances,-he determined, if ever he should have the means in his power, to remedy this inconvenience, first for himself, and then for the public. Accordingly, having by dint of hard labour mustered a little sum of money, he started a stage-car from Clonmel to Cahir, a distance of about ten English miles, and soon afterwards a second to Thurles; but the novelty of his plan not being at first duly appreciated, the support which he received from the public was so small, that the attempt had almost proved abortive.
"A commencement so discouraging would have damped the ardour of any man less resolute than Bianconi. This was in the year 1815; but he still continued running his car day after day, until the people gradually perceiving the benefits which were thus placed within their reach, his project was at length crowned with complete success. From that time to the present, his progress has been one of uninterrupted prosperity; and he who at one time hawked about his prints, is now the respected proprietor of seventy stage-cars.
"Of this one individual it is not too much to say, that he has done more practical good for the South of Ireland than almost all the landed proprietors from the banks of the Saur to Dingle Bay. He has opened regular and rapid communication with places, many of which were before almost unknown; and his earnest desire is to make all who serve him participate in the advantages which he himself derives from his own industry. His is no spurious popularity, but the result of substantial services which speak for themselves on all the
She had the innocence of childhood, the beauty of youth, the birth of a princess, the learning of a clerk, the life of a saint, and the death of a malefacHer writings when in prison prove her to have added the resignation of a martyr, and the constancy of a heroine, to the faith and duty of a Christian.-highways and by ways of Munster. I remain, sir, your obedient servant, Tupper.
As there is a foolish wisdom, so there is a wise ignorance, in not prying into God's ark-not inquiring in o things not revealed. I would fain know all that I need, and all that I may: I leave God's secrets to himself. It is happy for me that God makes me of his court, though not of his council. Bp. Hall.
He who expects a constancy here, looks for that which this world cannot give. It is only above the sun that there is no moon to change.-Feltham.
Art thou, then, desolate,
Of friends, of hopes forsaken? Come to me !
By one kind tone,-to fill mine eyes with tears
JUVENIS." As I have a wish to acquire the Greek Language, I should be extremely gratified if you could inform me what Grammar would be the most likely to shorten my labours, and to enable me to arrive at a successful termination of them."
Does Juvenis remember that saying—" Which of you, intending to build a tower, sitteth not down first and counteth the cost, whether he have sufficient to finish it?" It is very applicable to young men, in their eager desire to learn everything all of a heap, and who fancy that they have but to devote an hour or two of their leisure, in the evenings, to learn Greek, Latin, German, mathematics-anything and everything! Far would we be from throwing a wet blanket over the smoking fire of generous and ardent enthusiasm! But when young men think of commencing a study, they should "count the cost, whether they have sufficient to finish it." In plain words, Juvenis should ask himself, what use Greek will be to him in his particular calling; and he should test his powers and his patience—otherwise he may give up, after long study, and discover that he has spent his time in acquiring a knowledge of little more than the letters of the alphabet; a very barren result!
If Juvenis is really determined to attempt to acquire a knowledge of Greek by his own exertions, we would recommend him, before he begins, to get some preliminary information: -such as, to try to procure an "Introductory Lecture
delivered at the University of London, by Professor Long, on the Study of the Greek and Latin Languages;" or an article by the same gentleman, "What are the Advantages of a Study of Antiquity at the present time?" in the third volume of the Central Society of Education, Taylor and Walton, Gower-street.
H. R. CLACK MANNAN.-Who destroyed the Alexandrian Library-the Arabs or the Christians?-It would appear to be unquestionable that Alexandria contained a splendid library of MSS. down to the period of its being taken by the Saracens, A. D. 640; and that afterwards we know nothing about it-so that it must either have been destroyed or gradually dispersed. The common story is, that they were destroyed, on the decision of the Caliph Omar, to whom Amrou, the conqueror of the city, had referred the matter. "If these writings of the Greeks agree with the Book of God [the Koran], they are useless, and need not be preserved: if they disagree, they are pernicious, and ought to be destroyed."-" The sentence," says Gibbon, "was executed with blind obedience: the volumes of paper or parchment were distributed to the four thousand baths of the city; and such was their incredible multitude, that six months were barely sufficient for the consumption of this precious fuel." Gibbon, though he tells this story, on the authority of Abul pharagius (an Arabian annalist, who lived six hundred years after the event), throws doubts on its truth, and, with some probability, endeavours to show that the library perished rather by successive accidents, carelessness, &c., in the lapse of time, than by a rigid execution of a sentence which might never have been issued The truth may lie between. Suppose London to be conquered by the Emperor of China, and that his peculiarly celestial majesty expressed great contempt for all the books of the barbarians which did not agree with the maxims of Confucius ; what would become of the library of the British Museum, if, in consequence, it were left exposed, or the books turned out, to make room for a Chinese officer? and how many Londoners would be patriotic enough to abstain from assisting the Chinese, in converting the books into wrappers for sausages?
The following letter, which bears the post-mark of Arbroath (Aberbrothwick), is only one out of many which we have received on the all-important subject of EMIGRATION. Some general advice on the subject will be contained in our next Number.
answering this as soon as convenient, and state which of the settlements you
A POLITICIAN begs us to state "the true, strict, and literal meaning of the
Forfarshire, 13th January, 1840.
"TO THE EDITOR. "Sir,-As the penny-post has now come into operation, I take the earliest opportunity to benefit myself by this boon, by addressing you, and craving your advice upon a subject of vital importance to me. I am encouraged to do so by the invitation you have given your readers in your Letter-Box Prospectus, and from the conviction that you have the welfare of your fellow-creatures at heart, and that you are unbiassed by any mercenary motive.
"I hope you will favour me by attending to the following brief outline of my life, occupation, and views.
"I am thirty-five years of age, tall, muscular, and of sound constitution; a linen-weaver by trade, at which I have applied since ever I could handle a shuttle. In our family the most rigid economy was practised, and instilled into me from infancy. By unremitting toil and perseverance, I scraped together as much as purchased a dwelling-house and garden attached, which, together with my household effects, may be worth about 2001. I reside in the suburbs of a manufacturing town in our county; my wife is thirty years of age; I have been married two years, and have one child. Owing to depression of trade and a superabundance of workmen, our wages have been gradually reduced, until I find I can go nc further a-head. We receive for working a web 3s. 6d. ; it is hard work to make out four a-week-the average is three and a half, from which we have to deduct gas and loom-rent. Our working hours to attain this are from six o'clock until half-past eight or nine o'clock. Should my family increase, it is impossible my wife could wind my yarn for me, which would cost me an additional 6d. each web. I receive 3. 15s. for a part of my house let to a tenant. I manage to cultivate vegetables for my family use, in my garden; our food is potatoes twice a-day, and oatmeal porridge in the morning; butcher-meat seldom graces our table.
"Now, sir, my question is this-whether you think I should better myself by emigrating to any of the settlements of New South Wales, Port Philip, or New Zealand? I have always had a desire for a rural life, and am a tolerable gardener; and, from my present locality, I have become a little versed in agricultural affairs. Privations of no ordinary kind, I am aware, would have to be struggled with for four or five years; but if a moderate competence would crown my labours, I should rest content. At my present occupation I feel I cannot strive as I have done-Nature already warns me, by severe pains in my legs after a hard day's work, that I am overstretching the bounds which she has set and in the course of eight or ten years, my strength will be greatly diminished, my family still unfit to do anything for their support, and I should be unable to give them even a moderate education. You will oblige me by
PAUL & VIRGINIA, THE INDIAN COTTAGE, ELIZABETH. 18. 6d.
SCHILLER'S TRAGEDIES: THE PICCOLOMINI; and THE DEATH
ANSON'S VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD. 2s. 6d.
THE VISION OF DON RODERICK: BALLADS AND LYRICAL
LIFE & OPINIONS OF TRISTRAM SHANDY. BY LAURENCE STERNE. 38.
INCIDENTS OF TRAVEL IN THE RUSSIAN AND TURKISH EM.
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LONDON SATURDAY JOURNAL.
PUBLISHED BY WILLIAM SMITH, 113, FLEET STREET.
SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1840.
THE PEOPLE, AND THEIR OPINIONS. THOUGH Our personal stake in this country is small indeed, we have a heartfelt interest in the peace and prosperity of "the tight little island." We look back upon all the vicissitudes and changes it has undergone during the whole period of the Christian era, with a feeling far stronger than that of curiosity; we love the country for what it has been, and for what it is; and we trust that, under Providence, Britain-with her free institutions, her unparalleled combination of capital and skill, her energy, her intelligence, and her moral power-will long continue to diffuse divine and human knowledge, to spread the arts and the sciences over the earth. We firmly believe, that anything which would upset the stability of the government and laws of Great Britain would be a calamity to the whole human race-a calamity whose disastrous influence would be felt through many future ages.
Actuated by these feelings, our readers will not be surprised to learn that we have been exceedingly solicitous to ascertain, as far as lay in our power, the actual temper of the PEOPLE, without reference to mere party questions or political strife. To this purpose we have devoted a considerable portion of time during the last few months; endeavoured, in a quiet and unobtrusive way, to elicit opinions from all sorts of people; tried to test these opinions, by ascertaining, if it were possible, whether they were the produce of thought and deep-seated feeling, or merely the idle gossip of the mo ment; and, avoiding all reference to the names of political parties or public men, contrived to gather "voices" on many public matters. At some personal inconvenience, we have endured the effluvia of taprooms, and the genteeler but frequently as little endurable atmospheres of tavern parlours; talked in coffee-rooms and in stagecoaches; and always made an effort to get into circles in steamboats or otherwise. We have acted the "spy," unquestionably, but it was for an honest purpose; and our readers may give us credit for the affirmation, that the following summary of results is honestly drawn up from no small number of "observations."
One thing we are quite satisfied about, if people speak their minds on this topic, that there is no danger to be apprehended from any general insurrection; and that, amongst all the more intelligent of the working class, and more especially amongst those immediately above them, there is no sympathy with attempts to subvert law and authority by violence. That there is a large number amongst the working classes, who, if not ready to join efforts to overthrow government by force of arms, do yet more or less sympathise with such attempts, is unfortunately too true. But these are chiefly congregated in particular districts; and even amongst them are large numbers of thoughtful and intelligent working men who deprecate "physical force," and are feelingly alive to the injury inflicted on their cause by the reckless conduct of half-enlightened and violent individuals. Owing to the number of half-enlightened workmen in particular districts, conjoined with the fact that a small number might easily throw an entire community into confusion, there is and has been danger: but venturing
to reason from small to great, it may be stated as an absolute fact, that the PEOPLE-that is, the majority of working men, middle men, and, taking in all ranks and classes, a very large proportion of the grown-up people of this country-would, if polled to-morrow, give their honest and hearty votes for peace, order, submission to law and authority; and would, as with a voice of thunder, repudiate the insanity which would threaten the stability of whatever is dear and precious in our institutions.
And yet, in connexion with this very topic, there is a strong feeling on the subject of CAPITAL PUNISHMENTS. Men turn away from the idea of persons being put to death, even though, by their conduct, they should have led to the deaths of others, and put much life and property in peril. "No, no, no " is the all but universal sentiment; "no hangings, no beheadings, no brutalities!" "This is matter for unfeigned thankfulness; it shows that the feeling of mercy is entering deep into the hearts and sentiments of the mass of the people; that they feel that LIFE is too precious to be wantonly extinguished, as it used to be, in the times of our ignorance; and that other measures must be taken, to reclaim from vice, from crime, and violence, ignorant and unhappy men, than by depriving them of that existence given by Almighty God. Assuredly, the changes in the punishments awarded by our criminal laws did not precede a change of opinion on the part of When will that hideous the people, but rather lagged behind it. monstrosity be swept away, which directs that the bodies of certain kinds of criminals are to be divided into quarters? Every individual has felt its shocking incongruity in a recent case; and because it is difficult to dissociate the idea of a fair and beautiful young woman from her "kingly" office, people have turned away with loathing from those terms, in which SHE, to whom the general voice wishes long life and happiness, receives power to dispose of the mutilated fragments of men's bodies in such a manner as SHE sentence is a nullity-but why does it stand in the BOOK? We have shall direct! True, everybody knows that this portion of such a seen execution for treason in this free and enlightened countryGod grant that we may never even hear of another! In this we know that we have the hearty Amen of almost every man amongst "the People."
It is no mere figure of speech-no mere empty declamation-to say that reverence for institutions, simply because they are ancient, has all but crumbled into ruin in the hearts and feelings of the People. The process has been long going on; but we have had abundant proof that the ruin is nearly complete. What may arise out of such a state of sentiment we do not know; but anxiously do we hope that the warnings and advice given, from time to time, by deep-thinking men, who are standing aloof from mere party association, will be heedfully regarded by our statesmen. If you use the words "Tory," Whig," "Conservative," or 'Radical," or pin your faith to the sleeve of a public man's reputation, and speak out in a mixed company, as if you were a opinion, or a war of words, and immediately it may appear as if decided partisan, you may immediately provoke a collision of parties were determinedly united, and eager to swallow one another up. But talk in a quiet way with Conservatives or Whigs, or Radicals-that is, with men who take these names as badges, but have no direct association with any particular party—and you
Bradbury and Evans, Printers, Whitefriare.
her, or of getting some reward or mark of distinction from her, to talk about their loyalty, or personal devotedness: but that, as to the People, the word loyalty was fudge or humbug. We are not expressing this view of the matter too strongly; the disposition to treat loyalty as humbug is very general.
An economical principle, in relation to government, is exceed
will elicit much which tends to show that party names are losing their force and significance. It is entering, in great power, into the hearts of the People, that GOVERNMENT is a mere machine for their benefit, which may be fitted, adjusted, mended, or improved, according as it works well or ill. The great mass of the hardworking people-we are not writing rashly or unadvisedly-care very little about Magna Charta, Bill of Rights, or Act of Settle-ingly strong and exceedingly universal. The private character of ment; and their ideas or reasoning may be truthfully expressed in the following manner :-Here we are; our forefathers are dead; we must live; we want to live and let live; how is this to be effected? Certainly, they say, not by blindly adhering to the prescriptions or advice of our forefathers, who did not know under what circumstances we might be placed, but by taking care of ourselves. We do not say that these very words have been used in our hearing; but we do say that it expresses a very universal sentiment, and that we have heard such opinions coming from the lips of men, who, if questioned as to their political creeds, would have attached themselves, by name, to very different parties. We rest perfectly satisfied, that in the course of a very few years-and how much has been done in the last ten !—that mass of the People whom we may term the MILLION will have it as an all-abiding and alloperative portion of their political faith, that GOVERNMENT exists solely on account of its rationality, and not at all because of its antiquity; and that they will put forth hands to mend or mar, according to the degree of their intelligence or their ignorance. Chartism is a signal proof of this; and let no man hug himself into the belief that it is extinguished. Like the whale of the Southern Ocean, it has received the harpoon, and for a season may run down into the deep: but it may reappear once more on the surface, and even if it dies, may still, in its dying agonies, sweep destruction around it. Oh, that our public men were wise! that they would drop party strife and personal animosities, and unite to pour the benefits of a just and a generous education through the eptire mass of the People! But the thing is apparently hopeless, at least in our day; and all true friends of the People, instead of wasting their time and strength in application to Parliament, should work as they best can in the instruction of their fellows. If Britain is to flourish long and well, it must be by the combined and conjoined intelligence and moderation of her middle and working classes; and we are not without strong hope, that a sad and foolish dissociation of interests will be discarded, and wiser counsels prevail in their stead.
Connected with the ideas of government, there are certain words or phrases which still linger amongst us like the ghosts of past exis ences. One of these is the word LOYALTY. It has been much used of late. Towards the QUEEN, personally, there seems, on the whole, to be a very excellent feeling pervading the mass of the People. We do believe that the most violent "physical force" man-unless he were a mere ruffian-would not stand by to suffer a hair of her head to be injured. The great mass of the People seem to have a strong regard for her; her youth, her beauty, and her marriage, are all favourite topics. But if you were to ask any one of the People, if he were a loyal man, he would be apt to laugh in your face. One person in a working jacket, to whom we casually put the question-he was really an intelligent operative repeated the word two or three times: "Loyal, loyal, loyal-why what's the use on't?" We at first thought he went on the quid pro quo principle; that he was animated by the spirit expressed by Rochester, when, alluding to Blood, who stole the crown from the Tower of London, and was afterwards rewarded, whilst the man who rescued the crown was neglected, he exclaims :"Since loyalty does no man good,
Let's steal the king, and outdo Blood!"
But we found that he was inquiring as to the rationale of loyalty; and we afterwards found the disposition to ask "the use on't" to be very strong; or, as one man drolly said, "to make it stand on its legs to be looked at." It seemed to be considered as a matter with which the bulk of the People had nothing to do; that it was all very well for folks who were in the way of visiting her, or seeing
an illustrious widow is spoken of, by those who have opportunities of knowing, as very amiable, kind, benevolent,-in fact, as being composed of all that can adorn the private life of a worthy and wealthy lady. Yet we were partially astonished to find that the mention of her name always produced irritable feeling. No man amongst the struggling classes-be his political principles what they may-whom we heard open his mouth on the subject, ever dismissed her name without alluding, in terms of anger or even of disgust, to the enormous amount of annual income assigned her. We mention this with great reluctance, and would not have done so, if we did not find the sentiment to be absolutely universal. In the same way, an intense anxiety was felt to know the amount of income which would be assigned to a young man, who comes amongst us under very favourable circumstances, the impressions current respecting his character and qualifications disposing everybody to wish all manner of happiness, and to look hopefully for. ward. The economical feeling to which we allude is something very different in degree from the good old habit of grumbling for which John Bull is proverbial. It is rather the result of a kind of sober, deliberate calculation; a comparative estimate of value given and value received, the measure of which is the now greatly-increased difficulty of obtaining comfortable and easy existence in this country. People in easy circumstances, and who are not subjected to the torturing processes of raising cash to meet demands, can have no idea of the amount of easily-irritated feeling-call it envy, if you will-which can be roused in struggling people's minds, whenever they are led casually to make a comparison between the amount and security of certain incomes, and the variable, uncertain, and insecure nature of their own. The severe pressure which has existed, and will exist, in trade and commerce, has roused into activity a spirit of depreciating comparison, the extent of which would startle any one who has not been in the habit of listening to the casual talk of all manner of strugglers. And more than that, it is stirring into painful operation habits of intellectual exercise and investigation. People who, when trade was good, and labour in demand, would have turned away from political economy, as from a bore," and to whom the subjects of corn and currency were abstruse and mysterious, now endeavour to comprehend the arguments on these vexed questions; they feel themselves distressed, and likely for some time to remain so, and they begin to ask, with earnestness, what is the cause of it?
That amongst the mass of hand-workers for bread, the primary cause of distress is considered to be political inferiority, nobody Whether rightly or need question, for it is obvious enough. wrongly they urge their demands-whether they argue skilfully or unskilfully-whether they have clear conceptions of the nature of their claims, or confused, dim, indistinct notions of improvement or equality-no man need hesitate to doubt, for a moment, that amongst the hand-working MILLION there prevails a deep-seated and intense conviction that they are unjustly held in a state of political inferiority. This stands as one of the FACTS of our day and generation, which no appeals to the past can charm away, and no threats for the future can awe down into quiescence. There it is, fermenting in the popular MIND, and which will, and that before very long, produce a spirit potent enough to overthrow all barriers, unless restrained by wisdom, prudence, and skill. Much might be done to abate the force of this sentiment, in opening up channels, through which the crowd of struggling labourers might see their way from mere existence to something better than mere existence. But it is not our present purpose to suggest remedies: we are merely stating facts; and this one and all-important fact, familiar as it is to every person's mind, cannot be repeated too often, that amongst the "million" there prevails a deep-seated,
intense conviction of political injustice, by which they are held in a state of political and social inferiority; and that from having no share, or little share, in the construction, management, or administration of government arises primarily all their distress, and all their wrongs.
NEW ZEALAND AND EMIGRATION. IN No. 54 of the "London Saturday Journal," we gave some account of the Islands known by the general title of New Zealand, and intimated our intention of pursuing the subject, more espeThis we are the more desirous of doing, as we have, through the cially as regards the probable success of emigrants to that country. medium of our "Letter Box," received very numerous requests for information and advice regarding Emigration to New Zealand and other places, to which the remarks we purpose making in the course of this article may be considered in the light of a general reply. But as our observations will at present be particularly directed to the situation and prospects of New Zealand, it will be necessary, in the first place, to enter into some details respect
This is immediately, though not mediately, the fruit of political agitation and diffusion of knowledge." Those who opposed or sneered at the "diffusion of useful knowledge," on the ground that it would unsettle people's minds, were so far consistent and prophetic. It were impossible to call on an ignorant people, bidding them claim their intellectual birth-right, and to ascend to the level of all the great minds of the past and the present, without sowing the seeds of bitter but immortal fruit. The spirit that now animates the mass of the working people of Great Britain may being its climate, soil, productions, population, &c. enlightened, it may be guided, it may be advised, but it will never die.
Another matter which provokes the idea of political injustice and inferiority is that of EMIGRATION. In spite of ourselves, we are local creatures; and all intelligent people who have quitted their native localities have had a greater or lesser struggle with local habits, sympathies, and associations. No wonder then that the question should be so often put-Why should we quit the land of our nativity? What crime have we committed that we should be compelled to turn exiles, and undergo all the penalties of departure, and all the miseries of a new settlement? If EMIGRATION were practised on a grand scale, rightfully planned, rightfully conducted, and on conditions worthy of an empire, much, very much, of this feeling would be dissipated; Hope would not shrink back, from fear of disappointment, nor shudder to make the experiment: and as large ventures have the best chance of large returns, extended emigration might yet nobly repay a nation which can afford to give twenty millions to planters, and spend its thousands annually on solitary individuals.
There are many agitated questions which do not find their way into the popular mind, but revolve in certain circles. For instance, the mass of the people know as little about the "Oxford theology" as they know about the creed and catechism of the man in the moon. The great body, too, of the English people know very little about the ecclesiastical strife now agitating Scotland. As little did they know about the question between the courts of law and one branch of the legislature, until the perpetual repetition of the matter in the newspapers began to accustom them to the idea, and gradually to see its nature. Yet all these questions are fruitful in future results. They all work their way downwards, and produce both their good and their ill.
For ourselves, we may close this paper by a dim outline of our own political faith. We reverence the past, because the past is full of experience for the future; we reverence existing institutions, because under them millions of our accountable fellow-men and countrymen have lived and died, and gone to add all their moral histories to that vast amount, the summary and the moral of which will be given on the great DAY OF AUDIT. But we do not reverence the past, if it is to bind us for the future; we know of no law, no right, and no necessity, by which ancestors can load descendants, or by which those who are not so far advanced as ourselves can prescribe the conditions of existence for those who are much beyond them in that summary of wisdom-experience. As man was not made for the sabbath, but the sabbath for man, so the people were not created for government, but government for the people. And as the end or object of government is the protection of the people, the people should never change or alter their form of government without high and, sufficient reasons, and a decided conviction on the part of the great majority that a change is necessary, and will be beneficial. Above all, do we think that changes for MORAL purposes should be effected by MORAL means; order and harmony reign in the dominions of the KING OF THE UNIVERSE; and all who reverence the "God that is above," nay more, all who are guided solely by the lowest dictates of common sense, will pause ere they seek for better government by the shedding of blood, or the destruction of property.
The New Zealand group consists of two large islands, called the Northern and Southern-a smaller island called Stewart's, to the extreme south, and several adjacent islets. The group extends in length from north to south, from the 34th to the 48th degrees of south latitude, and in breadth from east to west, from the 166th to the 179th degree of east longitude. The extreme length exceeds 800 miles, and the average breadth, which is very variable, is about 100 miles. The surface of the islands is esti mated to contain 95,000 square miles, or about 60,000,000 of acres, being a territory nearly as large as Great Britain, of which, after allowing for mountainous districts and water, it is believed that two-thirds are susceptible of beneficial cultivation. A chain of lofty mountains intersects the whole of the Southern, and a Some of these reach the great part of the Northern Island. height of 14,000 feet above the level of the sea, and are covered with perpetual snow. Besides the chain, which forms as it were the back-bone of the islands, there are outlines, and subordinate ranges of hills, covered for the most part with wood up to the verge of the continual snow, but in some instances clothed with a species of fern. This plant grows in great profusion all over the country; the roots are eatable and are frequently used as food by the natives, who roast or bake it, and it also serves as excellent fodder for cattle. Thus, as Capt. Fitzroy observed in his evidence before the Lords' Committee, "no one can starve in New Zealand."
New Zealand is considered to be of volcanic origin, and among the mountains several volcanoes are yet burning; but eruptions and earthquakes are unknown, even traditionally. The soil, in many places, bears a striking resemblance to the volcanic regions of Italy and Sicily, and is represented as singularly adapted to the it is described as chiefly a rich loamy soil, with fine vegetable mould cultivation of the vine. The soil, generally speaking, is very good; in some places; as very productive-a fact evidenced by the luxuriant growth of the forest trees, and the perfect success which has attended the cultivation of wheat, potatoes, and every other plant or fruit whose introduction has hitherto been attempted. Mr. Yate, a missionary of the Church Missionary Society, thus describes it. "We have every variety of soil. Large tracts of good land, available for the cultivation of wheat, barley, maize, beans, peas, &c., with extensive valleys of rich, alluvial soil, deposited from the hills and mountains, and covered with the richest vegetation, which it supports summer and winter. We have also a deep, rank, vegetable mould, with a stiff, marly sub-soil, capable of being slaked or pulverised with the ashes of the fern. All English grasses flourish well, but the white clover never seeds : and where the fern has been destroyed, a strong native grass, something of the nature of the canary-grass, grows in its place, and effectually prevents the fern from springing up again. Every diversity of European fruit and vegetable flourishes in New Zealand."
The insular position of New Zealand and the presence of high mountains, preserve the atmosphere from oppressive heat, and occasion frequent showers, which support vegetation. Mr. Earle, the draftsman to the surveying-ship, the Beagle, who spent nine months in New Zealand, thus expresses himself," Although we were situated in the same latitude as Sydney, we found the climate infinitely superior. Moderate heats, and beautifully clear skies, succeeded each other every day. We were quite free from those oppressive feverish heats, which invariably prevail in the middle of the day at Sydney, and from those hot, pestilential winds which are the terror of the inhabitants of New South Wales; nor were Australian farmer. The temperature here was neither too hot or we subject to those long droughts which are often the ruin of the too cold-neither too wet nor too dry." This statement is fully confirmed by other writers; but our limits preclude us from indulging in long extracts.