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These rectifications ought to have some effect in elevating-first, the rank of Herodotus; secondly, his present attractions. Most certain we are that few readers are aware of the various amusement conveyed from all sources then existing, by this most splendid of travellers. Dr Johnson has expressed in print, (and not merely in the strife of conversation,) the following extravagant idea-that to Homer, as its original author, may be traced back, at least in outline, every tale or complication of incidents now moving in modern poems, romances, or novels. Now, it is not necessary to denounce such an assertion as false, because, upon two separate reasons, it shows itself to be impossible. In the first place, the motive to such an assertion was—to emblazon the inventive faculty of Homer; but it happens that Homer could not invent any thing, small or great, under the very principles of Grecian art. To be a fiction, as to matters of action, (for in embellishments the rule might be otherwise,) was to be ridiculous and unmeaning in Grecian eyes. We may illustrate the Grecian feeling on this point (however little known to eritics) by our own dolorous disappointment when we opened the Alhambra of Mr Washington Irving. We had supposed it to be some real Spanish or Moorish legend connected with that romantic edifice; and, behold it was a mere Sadler's Wells travesty, (we speak of its plan, not of its execution,) applied to some slender fragments from past days. Such, but far stronger, would have been the disappointment to Grecian feelings, in finding any poetic (à fortiori, any prose) legend to be a fiction of the writer's words cannot measure the reaction of disgust. And thence it was that no tragic poet of Athens ever took for his theme any tale or fable not already pre existing in some version, though now and then it might be the least popular version. It was capital as an offence of the intellect, it was lunatic to do otherwise. This is a most important characteristic of ancient taste; and most interesting in its philosophic value for any comparative estimate of modern art, as against ancient. In particular, no just commentary can ever be written on the poetics of Aristotle, which leaves it out of sight. Secondly, it

is evident that the whole character, the very principle of movement, in many modern stories, depends upon sentiments derived remotely from Christianity; and others upon usages or manners peculiar to modern civilization; so as in either case to involve a moral anachronism if viewed as Pagan. Not the colouring only of the fable, but the very incidents, one and all, and the situations, and the perplexities, are constantly the product of something characteristically modern in the circumstances, sometimes for instance in the climate; for the ancients had no experimental knowledge of severe climates. With these double impossibilities before us, of any absolute fictions in a Pagan author that could be generally fitted to anticipate modern tales, we shall not transfer to Herodotus the impracticable compliment paid by Dr Johnson to Homer. But it is certain that the very best collection of stories furnished by Pagan funds, lies dispersed through his great work. One of the best of the Arabian Nights, the very best as regards the structure of the plot-viz. the tale of Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves-is evidently derived from an incident in that remarkable Egyptian legend, connected with the treasure house of Rhampsinitus. This, except two of his Persian legends, (Cyrus and Darius,) is the longest tale in Herodotus; and by much the best in an artist's sense; indeed, its own remarkable merit, as a fable in which the incidents successively generate each other, caused it to be transplanted by the Greeks to their own country. Vossius, in his work on the Greek historians, and a hundred years later, Valckenaer, with many other scholars, had pointed out the singular conformity of this memorable Egyptian story with several that afterwards circulated in Greece. The eldest of these transfers was undoubtedly the Boeotian_tale (but in days before the name Boeotia existed) of Agamedes and Trophonius, architects, and sons to the King of Orchomenos, who built a treasure-house at Hyria, (noticed by Homer in his ship catalogue,) followed by tragical circumstances, the very same as those recorded by Herodotus. It is true that the latter incidents, according to the Egyptian version-the monstrous device of Rhampsinitus for discovering

the robber at the price of his daughter's honour, and the final reward of the robber for his petty ingenuity, (which, after all, belonged chiefly to the deceased architect,) ruin the tale as a whole. But these latter incidents are obviously forgeries of another age; "angeschlossen" fastened on by fraud, " an den ersten aelteren theil," to the first and elder part, as Mueller rightly observes, p. 97, of his Orchomenos. And even here it is pleasing to notice the incredulity of Herodotus, who was not, like so many of his Christian commentators, sceptical upon previous system and by wholesale, but equally prone to believe wherever his heart (naturally reve rential) suggested an interference of superior natures, and to doubt wherever his excellent judgment detected marks of incoherency. He records the entire series of incidents 28 τα λεγόμενα anon, reports of events which had reached him by hearsay, εμοι de ov TIOTA" but to me," he says pointedly, "not credible."

In this view, as a thesaurus fabularum, a great repository of anecdotes and legends, tragic or romantic, Herodotus is so far beyond all Pagan competition, that we are thrown upon Christian literatures for any corresponding form of merit. The case has often been imagined playfully, that a man were restricted to one book; and, supposing all books so solemn as those of a religious interest to be laid out of the question, many are the answers which have been pronounced, according to the difference of men's minds. Rousseau, as is well known, on such an assumption made his election for Plutarch. But shall we tell the reader why? It was not altogether his taste, or his judicious choice, which decided him; for choice there can be none amongst elements unexamined-it was his limited reading. Except a few papers in the French Encyclopédie during his maturer years, and some dozen of works presented to him by their authors, his own friends, Rousseau had read little or nothing beyond Plutarch's Lives in a bad French translation, and Montaigne. Though not a Frenchman, having had an education (if such one can call it) thoroughly French, he had the usual puerile French craze about Roman virtue, and republican simplicity, and Cato, and "all that." So

that his decision goes for little. And even he, had he read Herodotus, would have thought twice before he made up his mind. The truth is, that in such a case, suppose, for example, Robinson Crusoe empowered to import one book and no more into his insular hermitage, the most powerful of human books must be unavoidably excluded, and for the following reason that in the direct ratio of its profundity will be the unity of any fictitious interest; a Paradise Lost, or a King Lear, could not agitate or possess the mind as they do, if they were at leisure to "amuse" us. So far from relying on its unity, the work which should aim at the maximum of amusement, ought to rely on the maximum of variety. And in that view it is that we urge the paramount pretensions of Herodotus; since not only are his topics separately of primary interest, each for itself, but they are collectively the most varied in the quality of that interest, and they are touched with the most flying and least lingering pen; for, of all writers, Herodotus is the most cautious not to trespass on his reader's patience: his transitions are the most fluent whilst they are the most endless, justifying themselves to the understanding as much as they recommend themselves to the spirit of hurrying curiosity; and his narrations or descriptions are the most animated by the generality of their abstractions, whilst they are the most faithfully individual by the felicity of their minute circumstances.

Once, and in a public situation, we ourselves denominated Herodotus the Froissart of antiquity. But we were then speaking of him exclusively as an historian; and even so, we did him injustice. Thus far it is true the two men agree, that both are less political, or reflecting, or moralizing, as historians, than they are scenical and splendidly picturesque. But Froissart is little else than an historian. Whereas Herodotus is the counterpart of some ideal Pandora, by the universality of his accomplishments. He is a traveller of discovery, like Captain Cooke or Park. He is a naturalist, the earliest that existed. He is a mythologist, and a speculator on the origin, as well as value, of religious rites. He is a political economist by instinct of genius, before the science

of economy had a name or a conscious function; and by two great records, he has put us up to the level of all that can excite our curiosity at that great era of moving civilization :first, as respects Persia, by the elaborate review of the various satrapies or great lieutenancies of the empire that vast empire which had absorbed the Assyrian, Median, Babylonian, Little Syrian, and Egyptian kingdoms, registering against each separate viceroyalty, from Algiers to Lahore beyond the Indus, what was the amount of its annual tribute to the gorgeous exchequer of Susa; and secondly, as respects Greece, by his review of the numerous little Grecian states, and their several contingents in ships, or in soldiers, or in both, (according as their position happened to be inland or maritime,) towards the universal armament against the second and greatest of the Persian invasions. Two such documents, such archives of political economy, do not exist elsewhere in history. Egypt had now ceased, and we may say that (according to the Scriptural prophecy) it had ceased for ever to be an independent realm. Persia had now for seventy years had her foot upon the neck of this unhappy land; and, in one century beyond the death of Herodotus, the two-horned hegoat of Macedon was destined to butt it down into hopeless prostration. But so far as Egypt, from her vast antiquity, or from her great resources, was entitled to a more circumstantial notice than any other satrapy of the great empire, such a notice it has; and we do not scruple to say, though it may seem a bold word, that, from the many scattered features of Egyptian habits or usages incidentally indicated by Herodotus, a better portrait of Egyptian life, and a better abstract of Egyptian political economy, might even yet be gathered, than from all the writers of Greece for the cities of their native land.

But take him as an exploratory traveller and as a naturalist, who had to break ground for the earliest entrenchments in these new functions of knowledge; we do not scruple to say that, mutatis mutandis, and conces sis concedendis, Herodotus has the separate qualifications of the two men whom we would select by preference as the most distinguished amongst Christian traveller-naturalists; he has the universality of the Prussian Humboldt; and he has the picturesque fidelity to nature of the English Dampier-of whom the last was a simple self-educated seaman, but strongminded by nature, austerely accurate through his moral reverence for truth, and zealous in pursuit of knowledge, to an excess which raises him to a level with the noble Greek. Dampier, when in the last stage of exhaustion from a malignant dysentery, unable to stand upright, and surrounded by perils in a land of infidel fanatics, crawled on his hands and feet to verify some fact of natural history, under the blazing forenoon of the tropics; and Herodotus, having no motive but his own inexhaustible thirst of knowledge, embarked on a separate voyage, fraught with hardships, towards a chance of clearing up what seemed a difficulty of some importance in deducing the religious mythology of his country.

But it is in those characters by which he is best known to the world-viz. as an historian and a geographer-that Herodotus levies the heaviest tribute on our reverence; and precisely in those characters it is that he now claims the amplest atonement, having formerly sustained the grossest outrages of insult and slander on the peculiar merits attached to each of those characters. Credulous he was supposed to be, in a degree transcending the privilege of old garrulous nurses; hyperbolically extravagant beyond Sir John Mandeville; and lastly, as if he had been a Mendez Pinto or a Mun

"Two-horned," in one view, as having no successor, Alexander was called the one-horned. But it is very singular that all Oriental nations, without knowing any thing of the Scriptural symbols under which Alexander is described by Daniel as the strong he-goat who butted against the ram of Persia, have always called him the "two-horned," with a covert allusion to his European and his Asiatic kingdom. And it is equally singular, that unintentionally this symbol falls in with Alexander's own assumption of a descent from the Lybian Jupiter-Ammon, to whom the double horns were an indispensable and characteristic symbol.

chausen, he was saluted as the "father
of lies." Now, on these calumnies,
it is pleasant to know that his most
fervent admirer no longer feels it re-
quisite to utter one word in the way
of complaint or vindication. Time
has carried him round to the diame-
trical counterpole of estimation. Exa-
mination and more learned study have
justified every iota of those state-
ments to which he pledged his own pri-
vate authority. His chronology is bet-
ter to this day than any single system
opposed to it. His dimensions and
distances are so far superior to those
of later travellers, whose hands were
strengthened by all the powers of mi-
litary command and regal autocracy,
that Major Rennell, upon a deliber-
ate retrospect of his works, preferred
his authority to that of those who
came after him as conquerors and ru-
lers of the kingdoms which he had
described as a simple traveller; nay,
to the late authority of those who had
conquered those conquerors. It is
gratifying that a judge, so just and
thoughtful as the Major, should de-
clare the reports of Alexander's offi-
cers on the distances and stations in
the Asiatic part of his empire, less
trustworthy by much than the reports
of Herodotus: yet, who was more li.
berally devoted to science than Alex-
ander? or what were the humble
powers of the foot traveller in compa-
rison with those of the mighty earth-
shaker, for whom prophecy had been
on the watch for centuries? It is gra-
tifying, that a judge like the Major
should find the same advantage on the
side of Herodotus, as to the distances
in the Egyptian and Lybian part of
this empire, on a comparison with the
most accomplished of Romans, Pliny,
Strabo, Ptolemy, (for all are Romans
who benefited by any Roman ma-
chinery,) coming five and six centu-
ries later. We indeed hold the accu-
racy of Herodotus to be all but mar-
vellous, considering the wretched ap-
paratus which he could then command
in the popular measures. The stadium,
it is true, was more accurate, because
less equivocal in those Grecian days,
than afterwards, when it inter-oscil-
lated with the Roman stadium; but
all the multiples of that stadium, such
as the schoenus, the Persian parasang,
or the military stathmus, were only
less vague than the coss of Hindostan
in their ideal standards, and as fluc-

tuating practically as are all computed distances at all times and places. The close approximations of Herodotus to the returns of distances upon caravan routes of 500 miles by the most vigi lant of modern travellers, checked by the caravan controllers, is a bitter retort upon his calumniators. And, as to the consummation of the insults against him in the charge of wilful falsehood, we explain it out of hasty reading and slight acquaintance with Greek. The sensibility of Herodo tus to his own future character in this respect, under a deep consciousness of his upright forbearance on the one side, and of the extreme liability on the other side to uncharitable construction for any man moving amongst Egyptian thaumaturgical traditions, comes forward continually in his anxious distinctions between what he gives on his own ocular experience (ofs-) what upon his own enquiries, or combination of enquiries with previous knowledge (irrogin)-what upon hearsay (axon)-what upon current tradition (os.) And the evidences are multiplied over and above these distinctions, of the irritation which besieged his mind as to the future wrongs he might sustain from the careless and the unprincipled. Had truth been less precious in his eyes, was it tolerable to be supposed a liar for so vulgar an object as that of creating a stare by wonder-making? The high-minded Grecian, justly proud of his superb intellectual resources for taking captive the imaginations of his half-polished countrymen, disdained such base artifices, which belong more properly to an effeminate and over-stimulated stage of civilization. And, once for all, he had announced at an early point as the principle of his work, as what ran along the whole line of his statements by way of basis or subsump. tion, (παρα παντα τον λόγον ὑποκειται) that he wrote upon the faith of hearsay from the Egyptians severally: meaning by "severally," (x5)—that he did not adopt any chance hearsay, but such as was guaranteed by the men who presided over each several department of Egyptian official or ceremonial life.

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Having thus said something towards re-vindicating for Herodotus his proper station-first, aз a power in literature; next, as a geographer, economist, mythologist, antiquary,

author, one Jazon, Esquire; and the squire holds his place in the learned Abbé's book to this day. Good Greek scholars are now in the proportion of perhaps sixty to one by comparison with the penultimate generation: and this proportion holds equally for Germany and for England. So that the restoration of Herodotus to his place in literature, bis Palingenesia, has been no caprice, but is due to the vast depositions of knowledge, equal for the last seventy or eighty years to the accumulated product of the entire previous interval from Herodotus to 1760, in every one of those particular fields which this author was led by his situation to cultivate.

historian-we shall draw the reader's he introduced to the world a fine new attention to the remarkable "set of the current" towards that very consummation and result of justice amongst the learned within the last two generations. There is no such case extant of truth slowly righting itself. Seventy years ago, the reputation of Herodotus for veracity was at the lowest ebb. That prejudice still survives popularly. But amongst the learned, it has gradually given way to better scholarship, and to two generations of travellers, starting with far superior preparation for their difficult labours. Accordingly, at this day, each successive commentator, better able to read Greek, and better provided with solutions for the inevitable errors of a reporter, drawing upon others for his facts, with only an occasional interposition of his own opinion, comes with increasing reverence to his author. The laudator temporis acti takes for granted in his sweeping ignorance, that we of the present generation are less learned than our immediate predecessors. It happens, that all over Europe the course of learning has been precisely in the inverse direction. Poor was the condition of Greek learning in England, when Dr Cooke (one of the five wretched old boys who operated upon Gray's Elegy in the character of Greek translators) presided at Cambridge as their Greek professor. See, or rather touch with the tongs, his edition of Aristotle's Poetics. Equally poor was its condition in Germany: for, if one swallow could make a summer, we had that in England. Poorer by far was its condition (as generally it is) in France: where a great don in Greek letters, an Abbe who passed for unfathomably learned, having occasion to translate a Greek sentence, saying that " Herodotus, even whilst Ionicising, (using the Ionic dialect,) had yet spelt a particular name with the alpha and not with the eta," rendered the passage "Herodote et aussi Jazon." The Greek words were these three Ηρόδοτος και ιαζων. He had never heard that a means even almost as often as it means and: thus

Meantime the work of cleansing this great tank or depository of archæ ology (the one sole reservoir, so placed in point of time as to collect and draw all the contributions from the frontier ground between the mythical and the historical period) is still proceeding. Every fresh labourer, by new accessions of direct aid, or by new combinations of old suggestions, finds himself able to purify the interpretation of Herodotus by wider analogies, or to account for his mistakes by more accurately developing the situation of the speaker. We also bring our own unborrowed contributions. We also would wish to promote this great labour, which, be it remembered, concerns no secondary section of human progress-searches no blind corners or nooks of history-but traverses the very crests and summits of human annals, with a solitary exception for the Hebrew Scriptures, so far as opening civilization is concerned. The commencement-the solemn inauguration-of history, is placed no doubt in the commencement of the Olympiads, 777 years before Christ. doors of the great theatre were then thrown open. That is undeniable. But the performance did not actually commence till 555 B.C., (the locus of Cyrus.) Then began the great tumult of nations-the termashaw, to speak Bengalicé. Then began the procession, the pomp, the interweav

The

Which edition the arrogant Mathias in his Pursuits of Literature (by far the most popular of books from 1797 to 1802) highly praised; though otherwise amusing himself with the folly of the other grey-headed men contending for a school-boy's prize. It was the loss of dignity, however, in the translator, not their worthless Greek, which he saw cause to ridicule.

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