particularly those on death (in page 131.) and on friendship. (P.135. to 137.) It might, however, have been rendered more lively, if a few of those letters had been inserted which the young ladies are suɲposed to address to their mother; and, to make it grammatically correct, the following passages should have been altered: Page 124. Avoid writing very small, as though pretty to look at, it is often illegible.'-Page 253. I never knew a person that was addicted to lying who had not other faults; for where it exists there must be something to conceal,' &c.

Art. 24. Sixth Report of the Directors of the African Institution, read at the Annual General Meeting on the 25th of March 1812. To which are added an Appendix, and a List of the Subscribers. 8vo. pp. 183. 28. Hatchard.

With extreme satisfaction, we observe and record the spirited and persevering exertions of this truly philanthropic society. Its object is threefold, viz. to procure the complete suppression of the SlaveTrade; to ameliorate the condition of those negroes who are transported into the West Indies; and to diffuse the blessings of knowlege and civilization over the vast continent of Africa. The present Re port commences with lamenting that, notwithstanding the efforts of the British Government to extinguish this nefarious traffic in human flesh, it has in fact revived to even a greater extent than that which was noticed in the last Report*; and that the Directors have reason to believe that, during the year 1810, not fewer than from 70,000 to 80,000 Africans were transported as slaves from the western coast of Africa to the opposite shores of the Atlantic. They inform us that this enormous traffic was chiefly confined to that part of Africa which lies between Cape Palmos and Benguela; that the Portuguese settlement at Bissao furnished the slave-traders with a point from which they could carry slaves without the risk of capture; and that divers collusions and frauds were practised by the owners of slave-ships, to elude the prohibitory enactments of the law which aims at the abolition of the Slave-Trade. By 2 variety of documents given in the Appendix, much light is thrown not only on the efforts of the slave-dealers to render the act of Abolition unpopular in Africa, but on the arts adopted by slave-merchants in Europe and America to prevent the seizure of their ships. As the Directors are fully awake to all the iniquity which is exercised on this occasion, we trust that their endeavours, with the aid of Government, will be ulti. mately crowned with success. • Cases have been very numerous, in which subjects of the United States have been found, under the dis guise of Spanish and Portuguese flags, prosecuting this nefarious

traffic.'

Respecting the treatment of slaves in the West India islands, details of a very affecting nature are communicated: but, while we read with horror of the brutality displayed by Mr. Hodge, a planter of Tortola, towards his slaves, our minds are relieved by the informa tion that this monster in a human form was brought to justice; and

See M. R. Vol, lxvi, N, S. p. 446.

we

we applaud the noble conduct of Governor Elliot, who resisted the application for mercy made by the jury after having found Hodge guilty of murder, and who put the island under martial law that no attempt might be made to obstruct the execution of this atrocious offender. Such a commendable example cannot fail of striking terror into slave-owners; and it will lead all planters to remember the kind and degree of legal protection which their slaves enjoy.

The last objects of this report, the condition of the African continent, and the means of its improvement,-open a very wide field of inquiry; and the Directors of this Institution have presented us with such interesting and amusing information, as they hope will lead to the adoption of some new and beneficial measures with respect to Africa. Large districts of this continent are found to be susceptible of the most profitable cultivation; and the Directors have very humanely sent persons to different African chiefs, to convince them that they would obtain more riches by employing their people in cultivation than by selling them for slaves. It appears from actual experiments that indigo, cotton, coffee, the sunn-plant of Bengal, which produces excellent hemp, and other profitable vegetables, may be raised in Africa. An extract is made from a journal of one Isaac, which anounces the death of Mr. Park; who, after having reached the Niger, was murdered on that river: but the Directors do not vouch for the truth of the statement; they add, however, that the narrative of Mr. Park himself, and also that of Isaac,' (the publication of which is promised, and probably by this time has made its appearance,) afford convincing evidence as to the great natural capacities, both agri cultural and commercial, of this neglected quarter of the globe.' Completely to make out their case, the Directors proceed one step farther, and endeavour to prove not only the good qualities of the soil, but the capacities of the African race for improvement; a fact which some persons have presumed to call in question. The Directors state that they have long felt a strong persuasion of the capacity of the African to fill the same place with the European in civil society, provided the fair opportunities and advantages are afforded him of manifesting the native faculties of his mind. They add, that

They have recently had a fresh proof exhibited to them, and to the world, of the unreasonableness of those prejudices, which, from viewing the Africans only in a situation of bondage and degradation, have led to a contrary conclusion. The fact to which they allude is, the arrival in this country of Captain Paul Cuffee, an American black, in his own ship, The Traveller, navigated by himself, and manned, with a single exception, by persons of his own colour. Captain Cuffee having been informed of the efforts which had been made in favour of his brethren in Africa, first by the Sierra Leone Company, and after. wards by this Institution, was anxious to ascertain, by a personal view of Sierra Leone and its inhabitants, and by personal intercourse with the friends of Africa in this country, whether he himself could in any way become instrumental in promoting their objects. A licence was accordingly procured for him, which permitted him to take a cargo from America to Sierra Leone, and a return-cargo thence to

Y 4

England

England. He arrived at Liverpool in the month of July last. Soon after his arrival he visited London; and such of the Directors as had an opportunity of conferring with him were much gratified by his general intelligence, the accuracy of his observations and statements, and the apparent elevation of his principles. He was afterwards invited to attend a meeting of the Committee of the Board, specially called for the purpose of conferring with him; which the illustrious Patron of this Society honoured with his presence; and the interview left a very favourable impression of his mental and moral qualities on the mind of his Royal Highness, (the Duke of Gloucester,) and of all the Directors who attended. He gave a clear and encouraging account of what he had seen in Africa, and suggested many considerations which may eventually lead to important results. On these, however, the Directors need not now enter. He left England in the month of September last, on his return to Sierra Leone; from which place he intended to proceed to Massachusets, in America, where his family resides.

In relation to Captain Cuffee, it may be proper briefly to in form the meeting, that by unwearied industry and well directed enterprise, under Providence, he has gradually risen from a state of poverty and obscurity, to the possession of considerable property, and to the enjoyment of a large share of consideration in society; and that all this has been effected in the face of difficulties which would have been above the exertions of most men, and in spite of the prejudices which tend to retain in a state of unjust degradation all who derive their origin from Africa.'

Encouraged by this striking instance, the Society have obtained from Sierra Leone two African youths, whom they have placed under the care of Mr. Lancaster; and it is said that their progress during the nine months of their residence in England has been more rapid than it could have been expected to be.

Every part of this Report is substantiated by ample documents, which truly enrich the Appendix, and merit particular attention. We cannot advert to all the contents of these valuable papers: but we shall copy two short passages from the report of the Commissioners of African Inquiry, on the subjeet of the Slave-Trade, and on the settlement of Sierra Leone. Concerning the first, they observe; We have not sufficient means to prevent the Slave-Trade in general from being carried on; but if, instead of opposing it generally, we confine ourselves for the present to some one branch of it, there is a great probability of our success there, and of a constant gradual extension of that success at a more remote period.'-Adverting to the Sierra Leone settlement, they tell us that its situation is extremely well chosen; that it certainly has had the effect of diminishing, in a very great degree, the Slave-Trade in its neighbourhood;' and that, if as a settlement it his fallen short of the sanguine expectations which had been formed of its success, there is every fair probability that Africa will ultimately derive much good from this settlement; not rapidly indeed, nor perhaps extensively, for this century, but still advancing as fast as can be reasonably expected from power and resources so slender and disproportioned to such a gigantic undertaking, as the civilization

of any considerable portion of a continent so steeped in barbarity as Africa.'

We wish to extend our notice of the other Addenda to this Report: but want of room, on this as on numerous occasions, obliges us to reluctant brevity:

Among the recommendations of this Institution, it may be said to be one that it is patronized by the intelligent and humane Society of Quakers. In the list of subscribers, we find this item: A member of the Society of Friends, called Quakers, 5251. While this Friend manifests a liberality far surpassing any other instance in the list, he modestly withholds his name.

POLITICS.

Art. 25. Observations on the late Treaty of Peace with France; so far as it relates to the Slave Trade: in a Letter to a Friend. 8vo. IS. Butterworth and Son.

Excepting Ministers, probably no persons in this country were aware that the treaty, which was hailed with universal extacy as giving security and peace to Europe, was to sanction the revival of the inhuman Slave-Trade on the coast of Africa, for at least five years to come. The nation, in general, in a manner which does honour to the character of Britons, expresses its concern at having the glorious event of peace debased by a condition so repugnant to the principles of men and of Christians; and it feels astonished that our negotiators, after the pointed reprobation of this trade by the Legislature, could consent to allow the French (who were in a vanquished condition, and therefore not in a capacity to dictate terms,) to resume a traffic which we had pronounced to be "contrary to the principles of justice, humanity, and sound policy." Some reason which does not float on the surface must have led to this revolting measure; and it is worthy of notice that, in our treaty with Sweden, in which we agree to cede to her the rich island of Guadaloupe, we restrain her from engaging in the Slave Trade.

The author of this letter is laudably indignant at the idea of our abandoning a great moral principle, and a great moral duty, to which the country was solemnly pledged: but he has not marked with sufficient reprobation the hypocritical wording of the article in question, which commences with talking about humanity, and then inflicts the most savage cruelty on millions! It is, indeed, contended by the letter-writer that the article was perfectly inadmissible; and that no nation is warranted in making itself a party to an engagement which has for its object transactions or trade which cannot be carried on without injustice and inhumanity to others.' The grounds on which this concession to the French is opposed are solid:

Had the question been, whether the French should carry on the Slave-Trade, from points on the coast of Africa in their possession, to colonies over which they had the dominion, it would have been very different from that which is now before us. It might have involved the consideration, how far we, as a great maritime nation, should have been called upon to become the champions and protectors of the defenceless nations of Africa, against the oppressions of those

who

who should attempt to carry their inhabitants into slavery and misery. Although there may be less difficulty, even in that question, than may at first sight be admitted; yet we are not now under the necessity of coming to a determination on that part of the subject. In our present case, the points and settlements on the coast of Africa to be given up, as well as the colonies in the Indies, are our own; they are under our protection; and the question is, whether we have any right to give them up, with the avowed intention of permitting all the horrors of that trade, which, in those very places, we consider so infamous as to render it proper to visit its agents with the penalties of felony. At present those places and islands do not belong to the French, they have no natural right or claim to them; and if we think it expedient, or convenient, to cede them to France, it is our moral duty, and therefore with respect to us, as a nation, a political obligation, to take care that their inhabitants are not, by any agreement or admission on our part, given up to certain pillage, slavery, and murder.

The difficulty which will attend the abolition, at the end of five years, furnishes another reason why the article should not have been agreed to.'

Let us look at it in another point of view:

The effect, which this revival of the trade will have upon the coast of Africa, will be horrible. Now, the African slave-dealers turn their attention to other pursuits; and the cruelty and murder connected with their wicked occupation, have greatly abated, or entirely ceased. A friendly intercourse with Europeans is increasing; and the inhabitants are beginning to feel the benefits of civilization. Of what advantage can our forts and settlements be in civilizing the natives on one side of a river, (as Sierra Leone is situated,) when a French factory (as the island of Gambia will be) is situated on the other? And when its command of the river will encourage all those disgraceful practices considered necessary for procuring slaves, which at once degrade the natives and destroy their happiness.'

In what an aukward situation must we be, on the coast of Africa! How irritating it will be to see the French, in possession of this traffic, to the exclusion of ourselves! They will be allowed to prosecute, without a competitor, a trade in which a British merchant cannot engage without being guilty of felony!

The writer replies with much ability to the arguments which have been urged in favour of this heart-rending measure; and he encou rages a hope that, in consequence of the numerous petitions to Parliament against the renewal of the Slave-Trade, his Majesty's Ministers will use all their address with the French government to prevent its horrid commencement. By the Sixth Report of the African Institution, (the subject of the preceding article,) it will be found that our exertions for the abolition of the Slave-Trade have been far from effectual; and if the French are allowed to visit the coasts of Africa for the purpose of procuring negroes to be transported across the Atlantic, our splendid visions of the civilization of Africa will be visions indeed, and the miseries of the negro-race be indefinitely protracted!